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Men At Their Best - 55 PMA Long Course Get Together Abbottabad 2008
Abbottabad once again hared the footsteps of its very old residents, who in 1975 thumped the roads of Kakul and surrounding areas with lots of hufs and mufs. This time , however, it was a pleasant re-union with grown up kids and their kids, fathers and grand fathers and mothers and grand mothers. This being a special occasion since after April 2008, a few would be left on the active list, we are dedicating a separate page to cover the proceedings of this great get-together which was arranged courtesy Ghazanfar and associates.
It may be mentioned here that it was Ghazanfar, while serving in GHQ in 1991, who arranged the first course get-together as a mega event and since then it has become an annual feature. And the programme issued by him amply highlights his contribution towards the course and turning into a memorable occasion. And most certainly, this time he lived much above the expectations since the get together spread over two was so well organized that it will be remembered and cherished by all of us for all our lives.
It may be mentioned here that it was Ghazanfar, while serving in GHQ in 1991, who arranged the first course get-together as a mega event and since then it has become an annual feature. And the programme issued by him amply highlights his contribution towards the course and turning into a memorable occasion. And most certainly, this time he lived much above the expectations since the get together spread over two was so well organized that it will be remembered and cherished by all of us for all our lives.
Well for those who missed this grand show - which reminds me of the film "The Greatest Show on the Earth", I saw in my childhood, here is an eyewitness' account of those two unforgettable days that myself, my family and dozens of our course mates and their families enjoyed while in Abbottabad on 12-13 April 2008, just four days short of 31st passing out day anniversary of 55th PMA Long Course - indeed one of the best courses that ever passed out from PMA. Since there were so many activities arranged on each day, it would be unjustified on my part to sum up everything in just one page. And certainly it will not be able to compliment the efforts of Ghazanfar and his entire staff and those great recruits who made us the happiest of all human beings while celebrating our reunion. Therefore I have subdivided the activities in two segments - so sit back and read on to participate in what we all saw on 12-13th April 2008.
Right from the moment we moved in - we were nothing but impressed. Rushing from Rawalpindi after attending Naeem Anwar Butt's daughter's marriage, the first impression was great. We were received with a very efficient reception committee who received us with warm and open arms. A motorcyclist guide was there to take every guest to his guest room and like everyone, I too was taken up on the Baloch Mess in Zarhoon VIP room. We hurriedly changed clothes and rushed back to the Piffers Mess main dinning hall, which was already hustling and bustling with course mates, families and their children. And let me confess what a grand dinner was laid out for us. The clattering of Piffer Mess silvery cutlery and giggles and laughers of course mates and their families made such beautiful music that could not have ever been written. Ghazanfar and his better half were busy greeting and looking after the guests with a big smile on their faces.
After the great dinner, everyone was taken to the Piffers stadium for an impressive Tattoo Show - something which has unfortunately fading out of of our traditional fanfare and most certainly for many, even the grown ups, it was the first show. For me it reminded me of my childhood when I witnessed the Tattoo Show during the once famous Horse and Cattle Show in Lahore cantonment as far back as 1964. The show was organized into two segments: the first comprised of recruits carrying the covered candles who performed various beautiful combinations and feasts. But the actual performance and applause came when some hundred recruits of the Piffers Centre marched in from three corners holding burning torches - the actual Tattoo Show. It drew much applause when the first arranged to WELCOME the spectators, followed by 55th PMA LONG COURSE. Everyone jumped from the seats to give them a big hand. later the performed a number of breath taking combinations which were both breath taking and spectacular.
After the spectacular Tattoo Show, all of us were taken to the Piffers auditorium for musical evening. First of all the Piffers brass band played some of the finest melodies. The narration-cum-band melodies of folk lore "Sassi" was simply impressive. The shinning instruments of the brass band add further luster to the show.
After the band display, it came as a nice surprise to me when I was requested to come over the stage and introduce my website to the audience. The VPS was specially placed with some of the sections of the site downloaded from internet. While explained the website, I drew tremendous support and applause from everyone - which really moved me. Some had seen the site for the first time and everyone vowed to see it direct from the internet once the went back. For this I specially thank Ghazanfar Ali for providing me an opportunity to introduce the site to the audience.
After the band show, we had a grand music night, which later turned out to be a musical morning since it ended around three in the morning. A local talent Rabia, though physically handicapped but with a beautiful voice, was invited who sang on non stop to the invitations of everyone. From soft melodies to thrilling songs, making many to jump into the arena and dance to the beat. Those who actively participated included Azhar ali Shah, Zahir, Badar, Saleem Sawar, Iqbal, Munir, Saeed, Akram, Tony and others. Saleem Sarwar's dance was very interesting and his shaking of the beard added fun for the audiance. Besides, Tony and Haider also came on the stage and moved the audience with Tony's peculiar style, while Haider recited verses from his beautifully written poetry - a facet of him we had never known before.
The proceeding of the day included a 9-Holes match for the golfers, putting competition for the ladies and children, a power-gliding demo, band display, folk dances by recruits of the Piffers Centre, mouth watering brunch, lots of laughers and photos.
Right from the moment we moved in - we were nothing but impressed. Rushing from Rawalpindi after attending Naeem Anwar Butt's daughter's marriage, the first impression was great. We were received with a very efficient reception committee who received us with warm and open arms. A motorcyclist guide was there to take every guest to his guest room and like everyone, I too was taken up on the Baloch Mess in Zarhoon VIP room. We hurriedly changed clothes and rushed back to the Piffers Mess main dinning hall, which was already hustling and bustling with course mates, families and their children. And let me confess what a grand dinner was laid out for us. The clattering of Piffer Mess silvery cutlery and giggles and laughers of course mates and their families made such beautiful music that could not have ever been written. Ghazanfar and his better half were busy greeting and looking after the guests with a big smile on their faces.
After the great dinner, everyone was taken to the Piffers stadium for an impressive Tattoo Show - something which has unfortunately fading out of of our traditional fanfare and most certainly for many, even the grown ups, it was the first show. For me it reminded me of my childhood when I witnessed the Tattoo Show during the once famous Horse and Cattle Show in Lahore cantonment as far back as 1964. The show was organized into two segments: the first comprised of recruits carrying the covered candles who performed various beautiful combinations and feasts. But the actual performance and applause came when some hundred recruits of the Piffers Centre marched in from three corners holding burning torches - the actual Tattoo Show. It drew much applause when the first arranged to WELCOME the spectators, followed by 55th PMA LONG COURSE. Everyone jumped from the seats to give them a big hand. later the performed a number of breath taking combinations which were both breath taking and spectacular.
After the spectacular Tattoo Show, all of us were taken to the Piffers auditorium for musical evening. First of all the Piffers brass band played some of the finest melodies. The narration-cum-band melodies of folk lore "Sassi" was simply impressive. The shinning instruments of the brass band add further luster to the show.
After the band display, it came as a nice surprise to me when I was requested to come over the stage and introduce my website to the audience. The VPS was specially placed with some of the sections of the site downloaded from internet. While explained the website, I drew tremendous support and applause from everyone - which really moved me. Some had seen the site for the first time and everyone vowed to see it direct from the internet once the went back. For this I specially thank Ghazanfar Ali for providing me an opportunity to introduce the site to the audience.
After the band show, we had a grand music night, which later turned out to be a musical morning since it ended around three in the morning. A local talent Rabia, though physically handicapped but with a beautiful voice, was invited who sang on non stop to the invitations of everyone. From soft melodies to thrilling songs, making many to jump into the arena and dance to the beat. Those who actively participated included Azhar ali Shah, Zahir, Badar, Saleem Sawar, Iqbal, Munir, Saeed, Akram, Tony and others. Saleem Sarwar's dance was very interesting and his shaking of the beard added fun for the audiance. Besides, Tony and Haider also came on the stage and moved the audience with Tony's peculiar style, while Haider recited verses from his beautifully written poetry - a facet of him we had never known before.
The proceeding of the day included a 9-Holes match for the golfers, putting competition for the ladies and children, a power-gliding demo, band display, folk dances by recruits of the Piffers Centre, mouth watering brunch, lots of laughers and photos.
After the golfers, the first to enter was the smartly dressed brass band of the Piffers Centre. The marched into the ground and came close to the specially allocated space for them to occupy it for the day.
While the golf match was in progress and the ladies were busy in the putting competition, there appeared a lone power glider right in front of the arena and attracted every one's attention. The glider circled the arena and came very close before pulling up and finally landed into the lush green patch in front of the visitors' stand which was cordoned off on both side by equi-spaced over hundred years old towering cedar trees. Children and officers both went to the glider and congratulated him for his superb gliding ability while the glider answered various questions put forth by the inquisitive children.
Then, while the officers formed into various groups to chat and share old memories, there was a musical chair for the ladies. It was well contested competition with lots of pushes, finally wives of Jalal and Najeeb remained to contest the final. It was well contested by both competitors and ultimately Mrs. Jalal won it.
Then the finally awaited brunch was served with delicious Halwa Poori combination and of course our national bird chicken wasn't forgotten. After the brunch, the Piffers Centre recruits presented superb folk dances and everyone joined in to dance to the typical Pushto beat of the famous songs. Qadri, besides other was prominent in dancing to the melodious tunes, adding more joy to the event. Interestingly, Khatak was rather reluctant to dance - a mystery perhaps.
The prize distribution ceremony was the last event to award prizes ladies-children and male golfers and participants of musical chair. More photographs will be added as and when received from Ghazanfar and other course mates. No award for the winning tug of war team as Qadri - the sports sergeant of Tariq company made it more of a fun game rather than a competition. We all enjoyed it - though.
The proceedings of the ended with a thank-you from Azhar Ali Shah to Ghazanfar Ali, his tem and the Piffers Centre and a hip hip hurray for them. Then as a good will gesture, everyone threw Ghazanfar in the air three times. Then slowly and gradually every one started to leave - embracing each other with a hope to meet again next year - INSHALLAH. and so came to an a two days mega event - laid out very well painstakingly by the organizers - certainly this get together was the best so far held and its beautiful memories would be cherished as long as we are. THANK YOU GHAZANFAR and everyone who made it to Abbottabad.
PS: Big thanks to Jalal Bhatti for recording this for next generation.
Fountain Pen
Owais Mughal
Being away from Pakistan for over a decade and now living in rural Missouri, I have missed many small things which I always used to take for granted. One such trivial thing was the joy of writing with a fountain pen.
A Fountain pen was first patented in US in the year 1884 but since then writing with it has become a lost art. I have shopped around for fountain pens in US and the cheapest ones I have found cost around $15 and they writes so bad that Pakistani 'Eagle' brand can beat then anytime and anyplace.
Eagle is an international brand but their product in Pakistan was one of the best or at least it feels like it after all these years of nostalgic memories. Twenty years ago a Pakistani 'Eagle' used to cost around rupees four. I preferred to write Urdu with Eagle because its nib was not that fine. For writing English, I had a 'Made in China, 'HERO' brand pen which was priced around rupees eleven. Then there were some really cheap fountain pens which gave wonderful Urdu writing. One of them was 'RAJA' (The Prince) fountain pen which cost around a princely sum of rupees 2 only. Another cheap fountain pen was ‘Dollar’ which also cost around rupees three.
Being away from Pakistan for over a decade and now living in rural Missouri, I have missed many small things which I always used to take for granted. One such trivial thing was the joy of writing with a fountain pen.
A Fountain pen was first patented in US in the year 1884 but since then writing with it has become a lost art. I have shopped around for fountain pens in US and the cheapest ones I have found cost around $15 and they writes so bad that Pakistani 'Eagle' brand can beat then anytime and anyplace.
Eagle is an international brand but their product in Pakistan was one of the best or at least it feels like it after all these years of nostalgic memories. Twenty years ago a Pakistani 'Eagle' used to cost around rupees four. I preferred to write Urdu with Eagle because its nib was not that fine. For writing English, I had a 'Made in China, 'HERO' brand pen which was priced around rupees eleven. Then there were some really cheap fountain pens which gave wonderful Urdu writing. One of them was 'RAJA' (The Prince) fountain pen which cost around a princely sum of rupees 2 only. Another cheap fountain pen was ‘Dollar’ which also cost around rupees three.
I had my Raja pen’s nib cut at an angle (Z-nib) to write the 'Nastaleeq Urdu’ script. I never mastered the art of writing 'Nastaleeq Urdu' or calligraphy but it was fun to at least try writing it.We used a 'z-nib' fountain pen to write Sindhi also. I remember that some of my class fellows used 'z-nib' to write complete exam papers of Sindhi. They however, always struggled to finish the paper in time too.For those of us who graduated high school from Sindh Board may remember that one question in Sindhi ‘salees’ (easy) board exam was about writing a Sindhi poem in 'khush-khat' (good hand-writing). This question was repeated every year and everyone practiced very hard in it to score some sure-shot marks. I used a 'z-nib' fountain pen to writethat poem.
Somehow improving hand-writing has always been a big deal in Pakistan’s school system. The generation before mine used to write on a washable wooden board (takhti) and used ink-dip calligraphic pens for Urdu. We didn’t use ‘takhti’ but up to grade X we were not allowed to use ball-point pens as it was supposed to destroy our hand-writings. This strict rule relaxed a bit in Grade XI and XII but I remember a certain teacher in Grade XII used to throw ball-points out of the class window if he saw anyone writing with it.
Writing with ball-points and markers for the past many years made me crave for fountain pens so much so that on a trip to Taiwan in 2003, fountain pens were the first and the last shopping I did. I now proudly own a collection of fountain pens and I write with them whenever I crave.
Today while editing this article I practiced my Parker again and copied this ‘sher’ (A poem verse) on a white sheet of paper. While my hand-writing is no way close to good or calligraphic my pen however is a perfect Urdu scripter. Hopefully on my next trip to Pakistan I'll buy a few more fountain pens.
War of Every Man Against Every Man
Anwar Syed
It is one thing for folks to admire a legacy, another to follow it in their practice. Attainment in full measure of high ideals is for most of us an ever receding goal.
Many a prophet left a glorious code of life and splendid examples of personal behaviour, but most of those who subscribed to the faith he had brought ignored his legacy in the actual conduct of their affairs. This is not to say that legacies of venerable men are of no consequence. If we did not have ideals, rules of morality, and laws, life would become chaotic and, as Thomas Hobbes had said, a “war of every man against every man”.
Let us look at the legacies of a few tall men of history from our own region and see what we find. Take, for instance, ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi, who is believed to have personified ‘simple living and high thinking’. He did not work to make money, did not covet material possessions, and lived in a rural, rustic environment, which his wealthy admirers had created for him. He dressed scantily and went about sockless in wooden sandals. A deeply religious Hindu, and an ascetic, he gave up pleasures of the flesh fairly early in his married life.
Gandhi preached and practised non-violence. He waged a long struggle for India’s independence, launched movements of civil disobedience and passive resistance in opposition to British rule, and went to jail for extended periods of time. A man of the people, a mass leader, he mingled with the poor and adopted their idiom, style and symbols in his interaction with them.
Indians, especially the Hindus, venerated Gandhi and answered his call enthusiastically when it came to the struggle for independence. One might have expected that they would also adopt his values and lifestyle. That they did not do, not even his close associates such as Jawaharlal Nehru. Born an aristocrat, he remained one all his life. He did not accept Gandhi’s religious inclinations or his social and economic preferences. Post-independence India let go of Gandhi’s politics, even his stress on non-violence.
Very unlike Gandhi was that other great Indian leader, the man who changed the course of history, the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. He made no claim to spirituality. He and his concerns were primarily worldly.
One of the most illustrious lawyers and politicians in the country, he had many enhancing qualities. He was: industrious, persevering, thorough, attentive to detail; courageous, candid, confident, determined, willful; orderly; man of honour, keeper of his covenants, eloquent, tough negotiator; wealthy, elegant, one of the world’s best dressed men; generous contributor to charities and noble causes; constitutionalist, law-abiding, honest, incorruptible; believer in the primacy of the public interest over the personal and private; unwavering guardian of Muslim interests; secular minded; advocate of equal rights for all citizens.
Pakistanis think of Mr Jinnah as the Quaid-i-Azam (great leader). They are proud of his credentials, attainments and victories over his opponents. But in their actual practice, they ignore his public philosophy (as much as the Indians do Gandhi’s), particularly with regard to probity, primacy of the public interest, respect for law, equal rights for women and the minorities, and tolerance of the dissident.
PPP notables claim that Benazir followed and implemented her father’s legacy. His record as a ruler is blemished with arbitrariness, violation of democratic norms, persecution of opponents and dissidents. It is not a model to be commended to others. He was a master of the modes and techniques of mobilising the masses and building a rapport with them. He was a relentless campaigner. He went to cities, towns and villages across the country, mingled with the people, and talked with them about their problems and concerns. He was an eloquent public speaker and an effective user of body language.
He devised inviting slogans, responding to the basic needs of the poor. This was not mere show. He had a genuine regard for the poor and wanted to improve their lives. He urged them to participate in politics and gave them a sense of personal dignity and political efficacy. In his record as mass leader there is much for others to study and emulate.
There is nothing remarkably positive in Benazir Bhutto’s experience as this country’s prime minister. We may have to explore her record as an opposition leader to find noteworthy actions. We know that she was well-educated, articulate, eloquent, amazingly energetic and hardworking. We know also that she was a shrewd and perceptive politician, determined, persevering, brave and for the right cause willing to risk her life.
More of her legacy is to be found in her professed values, principles and commitments. She inherited her father’s sympathetic concern for the poor and oppressed. Like him, she mingled and built rapport with them. She had also begun to declare her support for their right to the basic amenities of life, and she asserted the government’s obligation to provide them. She endorsed the demand of the smaller provinces for a larger measure of autonomy, and she emerged as a champion of democracy.
It should, however, be noted that democracy and provincial autonomy were not Ms Bhutto’s exclusive or peculiar concerns. Most other political leaders had been voicing them over the years. (Recall MRD, ARD, Charter of Democracy, PDM.) These concerns have become part of the Pakistani political culture. It goes to Benazir’s credit that she voiced them and struggled for their realisation more persistently and vigorously than others.
History does things with its more notable characters which they, and the men of their generation, had not anticipated. Mythmaking has always been a flourishing industry. With the passage of time qualities and accomplishments, of which her contemporaries have no awareness, will probably be attributed to her and she will be elevated to sainthood. But that is history’s business, not mine.
It is one thing for folks to admire a legacy, another to follow it in their practice. Attainment in full measure of high ideals is for most of us an ever receding goal.
Many a prophet left a glorious code of life and splendid examples of personal behaviour, but most of those who subscribed to the faith he had brought ignored his legacy in the actual conduct of their affairs. This is not to say that legacies of venerable men are of no consequence. If we did not have ideals, rules of morality, and laws, life would become chaotic and, as Thomas Hobbes had said, a “war of every man against every man”.
Let us look at the legacies of a few tall men of history from our own region and see what we find. Take, for instance, ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi, who is believed to have personified ‘simple living and high thinking’. He did not work to make money, did not covet material possessions, and lived in a rural, rustic environment, which his wealthy admirers had created for him. He dressed scantily and went about sockless in wooden sandals. A deeply religious Hindu, and an ascetic, he gave up pleasures of the flesh fairly early in his married life.
Gandhi preached and practised non-violence. He waged a long struggle for India’s independence, launched movements of civil disobedience and passive resistance in opposition to British rule, and went to jail for extended periods of time. A man of the people, a mass leader, he mingled with the poor and adopted their idiom, style and symbols in his interaction with them.
Indians, especially the Hindus, venerated Gandhi and answered his call enthusiastically when it came to the struggle for independence. One might have expected that they would also adopt his values and lifestyle. That they did not do, not even his close associates such as Jawaharlal Nehru. Born an aristocrat, he remained one all his life. He did not accept Gandhi’s religious inclinations or his social and economic preferences. Post-independence India let go of Gandhi’s politics, even his stress on non-violence.
Very unlike Gandhi was that other great Indian leader, the man who changed the course of history, the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. He made no claim to spirituality. He and his concerns were primarily worldly.
One of the most illustrious lawyers and politicians in the country, he had many enhancing qualities. He was: industrious, persevering, thorough, attentive to detail; courageous, candid, confident, determined, willful; orderly; man of honour, keeper of his covenants, eloquent, tough negotiator; wealthy, elegant, one of the world’s best dressed men; generous contributor to charities and noble causes; constitutionalist, law-abiding, honest, incorruptible; believer in the primacy of the public interest over the personal and private; unwavering guardian of Muslim interests; secular minded; advocate of equal rights for all citizens.
Pakistanis think of Mr Jinnah as the Quaid-i-Azam (great leader). They are proud of his credentials, attainments and victories over his opponents. But in their actual practice, they ignore his public philosophy (as much as the Indians do Gandhi’s), particularly with regard to probity, primacy of the public interest, respect for law, equal rights for women and the minorities, and tolerance of the dissident.
PPP notables claim that Benazir followed and implemented her father’s legacy. His record as a ruler is blemished with arbitrariness, violation of democratic norms, persecution of opponents and dissidents. It is not a model to be commended to others. He was a master of the modes and techniques of mobilising the masses and building a rapport with them. He was a relentless campaigner. He went to cities, towns and villages across the country, mingled with the people, and talked with them about their problems and concerns. He was an eloquent public speaker and an effective user of body language.
He devised inviting slogans, responding to the basic needs of the poor. This was not mere show. He had a genuine regard for the poor and wanted to improve their lives. He urged them to participate in politics and gave them a sense of personal dignity and political efficacy. In his record as mass leader there is much for others to study and emulate.
There is nothing remarkably positive in Benazir Bhutto’s experience as this country’s prime minister. We may have to explore her record as an opposition leader to find noteworthy actions. We know that she was well-educated, articulate, eloquent, amazingly energetic and hardworking. We know also that she was a shrewd and perceptive politician, determined, persevering, brave and for the right cause willing to risk her life.
More of her legacy is to be found in her professed values, principles and commitments. She inherited her father’s sympathetic concern for the poor and oppressed. Like him, she mingled and built rapport with them. She had also begun to declare her support for their right to the basic amenities of life, and she asserted the government’s obligation to provide them. She endorsed the demand of the smaller provinces for a larger measure of autonomy, and she emerged as a champion of democracy.
It should, however, be noted that democracy and provincial autonomy were not Ms Bhutto’s exclusive or peculiar concerns. Most other political leaders had been voicing them over the years. (Recall MRD, ARD, Charter of Democracy, PDM.) These concerns have become part of the Pakistani political culture. It goes to Benazir’s credit that she voiced them and struggled for their realisation more persistently and vigorously than others.
History does things with its more notable characters which they, and the men of their generation, had not anticipated. Mythmaking has always been a flourishing industry. With the passage of time qualities and accomplishments, of which her contemporaries have no awareness, will probably be attributed to her and she will be elevated to sainthood. But that is history’s business, not mine.
Pakistan’s Best Planned Neighborhood
For many months now, I’ve been thinking of doing a series on Best Planned Neighborhoods of Pakistan. When I think about it, quite a few come to mind e.g. The whole city of Islamabad, North Nazimabad Karachi, Model Town Lahore, etc. However one locality that has always caught my attention for its visionary town planning is the Clock Tower and 8 bazaars of Faisalabad. Though it was planned more than 100 years ago, the symmetry and simplicity of design of these 8 bazaars have always fascinated me. The roads of 8 bazaars now seem narrow for the volume of traffic that runs on Faisalabad roads, but I believe a hundred years ago, this must’ve been a marvel of town planning.
Following is a satellite image of Fiasalabad’s Clock Tower and the 8 bazaars laid around it in the shape of British Union Jack.
At present the buildings located in 8 bazaars and the Clock Tower itself are mostly in a state of disrepair.
Like every major city of the world, as population of Faisalabad grew, businesses and residences moved out to suburbs leaving downtown to become one large commercial storage space. Very few people live in the 8 bazaars now but its commercial importance has not waned yet.
The Eight bazaars of Faisalabad are called: Aminpur bazaar, Katchery bazaar, Karkhana bazaar, Jhang bazaar, Bhawana bazaar, Rail bazaar, Chiniot bazaar and Mintgumry bazaar (named after Montgomery).
Because of the geometry of town planning here, one sees a full face of Clock Tower from 4 perpendicular bazaars. I believe they are Aminpur Bazaar, Jhang bazaar, katchery bazaar and karkhaana bazaar. But from the 4 diagonal bazaars, only the diagonal corners of the Clock Tower are visible. The four diagonal bazaars are called Bhawana bazaar, Rail bazaar, Chiniot bazaar and Mintgumry bazaar. During my childhood visits to the Faisalabad it was always a fascination to try to guess the name of a bazaar, looking at what side or corner of the Clock Tower was visible to us. That fascination went away once I could start remembering the bazaars from their shops and other landmarks.
It is said that the modern city of Faisalabad came into existrence around 1880 when a proper city was designed by one Captain Pophan Young. I am unable to find if Captain Young also designed the 8 bazaars or not. The only one source of such data on web attributes the design of 8 bazaars to the famous philanthropist Sir Ganga Ram and it is said:
Sir Ganga Ram was assigned to draft its plan. After approval of draft Sir Ganga Ram was given five squares of lane as reward.
Can some reader authenticate this claim about Sir Ganga Ram?
The planned city was then named as Lyallpur, after the British Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab, Sir Charles James Lyall. The 8 bazaars were planned in the shape of the Union Jack to commemorate the long reign of Queen Victoria of England.
The actual work on the construction of Clock Tower started after its foundation stone was laid on November 14, 1903 by Sir Charles Pewaz, the then governor of Punjab. The plaque of the foundation stone was prepared by metal art experts of Chennai, Yangon and Colombo.
As the story goes, there used to be a beautiful park at the centre point of the eight bazaars and a well in the middle of the park. The site of the well had been selected for constructing the Clock Tower. To build the Clock Tower, that well was filled. The filling of the well took weeks. The earth for the filling was collected from Chak Ram Dewali (located on present day Sargodha Road).
Red sand stone was obtained from Sangla Hill. Expert sculptors which included one Gulab Khan who belonged to the family who built Taj Mahal in Agra, installed big blocks of red sand stone after proper dressing and sizing them.
Expert carpenters were also involved in the construction and beautification of the tower. Big wooden planks were installed without being saw-cut into nets and fixed in the doors and windows of the tower. The clock for the tower was brought from Mumbai. The work was completed in Dec, 1905 and the whole construction cost came out to be Rs 40,000.
Sir Lion Toper, the then finance commissioner, performed the formal inauguration of the Clock Tower in the presence of hundreds of citizens of Lyallpur by stepping onto the balcony of the tower. By the time this tower was built the eight bazaars were already inhabited and functional.
The 8 bazaars cover a total area of 110 acres . All these eight bazaars are also connected with each other through a circular road (also a bazaar) called the Gol Bazaar.
The monument shown to the right is located just outside the Rail bazaar. It is called Gumti. It is now part of a traffic circle. It also dates back to British era. I am unable to find exact date of its construcution. One source says early 1900s.
To Reduce Congestion Around Bazaars: The Lyallpur Town Administration, on December 10, 2005, imposed a ban on the entry of slow-moving vehicles which included donkey-carts, tongas and motorcycle-rickshaws. The ban’s jurisdiction included eight bazaars around the Clock Tower and adjoining commercial centres. (Reference 6 below)
Personal Memories:
I have some vague and some vivid memories of visiting the Clock Tower and the 8-bazaars in my childhood and teenage. I do remember one of the tastiest home made mango ice cream is sold infront of Clock Tower. I think the ice cream shop was between Aminpur bazaar and Bhawana bazaar. There were also several ‘Carrot juice’ shops around the Clock Tower that used to do roaring business in winters. I remember a long line of stationery stores in Aminpur bazaar. One shop called ‘ASCO sports’ in Kutchehry bazaar was very dear to me because I always used to buy cricket bats from there which became very popular among my team mates in Karachi. I don’t know if ASCO sports is still there. Can a authentic Faisalabadi confirm that?
References and Credits:
1. City District Government Faisalabad
2. World66.com Travel Guide on Faisalabad- The history of Faisalabad given at this site is the one which is copied all over the web. Needs second source.
3. Satellite Image from googleearth.com
4. Sunaina Suneja at flickr.com for Jhang Bazaar photos
5. Faisalabad Clock Tower Photo is from wikipedia
6. Dawn News on ban of slow traffic in bazaars here
Care for a 9-Qulaity-Qulfi Anyone?
Owais Mughal
This photo is courtesy of Muhammad Ali Musa. It shows Abdulahad the qulfi seller on a Quetta Street. Eventhough Abdulahad doesn’t look very happy, I chose this photo because of its blue and orange color splendour. The photo is dated: April 11, 2008.
Also note the 9 qualities of this ‘qulfi’ painted on the cart. If you’d like to get the english translation of 9 qualities or if you want to make sure that you are able to locate 9 qualities written on the cart then click at ‘Read Full Post’ below:
Qulfi is a kind of ice-cream made from thickened milk. There are 9 listed qualities of heavenly Abdulahad ‘qulfi’ as written on his cart. They include:
1. lajawab - The one without an answer (i.e. without competiton)
2. khushboodaar - aromatic,
3. special - special
4. mashoor - famous
5. khushgwaar - pleasent
6. behtreen - the best
7. mazaydaar - tasty
8. badaami - with almonds
9. ek baar aazmaaish, bar bar farmaaish - If you tried it once you’ll ask for it again and again.
If you want to try making qulfi yourself then I did find a qulfi recipe’ for you at www.khanapakana.com here.
This photo is courtesy of Muhammad Ali Musa. It shows Abdulahad the qulfi seller on a Quetta Street. Eventhough Abdulahad doesn’t look very happy, I chose this photo because of its blue and orange color splendour. The photo is dated: April 11, 2008.
Also note the 9 qualities of this ‘qulfi’ painted on the cart. If you’d like to get the english translation of 9 qualities or if you want to make sure that you are able to locate 9 qualities written on the cart then click at ‘Read Full Post’ below:
Qulfi is a kind of ice-cream made from thickened milk. There are 9 listed qualities of heavenly Abdulahad ‘qulfi’ as written on his cart. They include:
1. lajawab - The one without an answer (i.e. without competiton)
2. khushboodaar - aromatic,
3. special - special
4. mashoor - famous
5. khushgwaar - pleasent
6. behtreen - the best
7. mazaydaar - tasty
8. badaami - with almonds
9. ek baar aazmaaish, bar bar farmaaish - If you tried it once you’ll ask for it again and again.
If you want to try making qulfi yourself then I did find a qulfi recipe’ for you at www.khanapakana.com here.
Politics of Reconciliation
Anwar Syed
Politicians have been talking of reconciliation and cooperation. It appears also that while this contemplated direction is beckoning them, their old ways pull them back. One cannot be certain which way our developing political culture will go.
Interesting things have happened. The PPP and PML-N, once enemies, came together to form coalition governments at the centre and in Punjab. Together they constituted a good majority in each of the two assemblies and did not need additional partners. Yet, they took in the ANP in the central government. This suited the PPP well because, wishing to join the ANP-led government in the NWFP, it wanted to befriend that party.
Mr Zardari, taking ‘the more the merrier’ line, also inducted JUI-F, whose outlook differed from that of the others (and which had only six members in the assembly), in his government. He wanted to take the MQM along, but that did not materialise. Mr Zardari’s approach to government formation may not have been sound. Coalitions are usually less cohesive and less energetic than single party governments.
The larger the number of partners the more numerous are the persons who must be consulted, and their consent obtained, before policy issues, and sometimes even matters of administrative detail (postings and transfer of officials) can be settled.
There is an additional problem with the present coalition arrangements. The prime minister and the provincial chief ministers are not the ones who lead and direct their governments. It is their respective party bosses — Asif Ali Zardari, Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif, Asfandyar Wali Khan (and prospectively Altaf Hussain) — who do it even though they hold no public office. One may call it government by remote control, which allows the real rulers to act arbitrarily without having to be held accountable.
In passing we may take note of an illustration of how this government by remote control works. On April 12 Dost Mohammad Khosa was sworn in as the chief minister of Punjab. According to a Lahore newspaper, after the ceremony, witnessed among others by the Sharifs, Mr Khosa walked to his own car and drove away.
The Sharifs left in a government limousine escorted by a fleet of official vehicles with full protocol. This to my mind was an immodest, even blatant, show of raw power on their part. It should be noted that Shahbaz Sharif, expected to replace Mr Khosa after he has won a seat in the provincial assembly in a couple of months from now, has been ruling Punjab almost openly since the Feb 18 elections.
Apparently, Mr Zardari believed that even though the PPP did not need the support of others to form a viable government in Sindh, it would be good to have the MQM on board, for it would bridge the “rural-urban gap” in the province. MQM leaders welcomed this prospect.
Negotiations between the two parties to settle the specifics of power-sharing are said to have begun on April 2. MQM leaders broke them off on April 13, saying that the PPP team did not pursue the matter seriously enough, and that nothing of a substantive nature had been discussed. They complained that Syed Qaim Ali Shah, the chief minister of Sindh, had stayed at the negotiating session on April 13 for no more than a few minutes, indicating his lack of interest. His indifference to the MQM’s sensitivities was demonstrated also by his appointment of Dr Shoaib Suddle as the provincial inspector general of police in spite of the MQM’s belief that he had condoned the extra-judicial killing of scores of its workers in the 1990s.
Dr Farooq Sattar, an MQM leader, claimed that in the negotiations his party had focused on developing a working relationship with the PPP and the question of the allocation of ministries had not come up. Another MQM spokesman, Senator Babar Ghauri, said his side had focused on the devising of a power-sharing formula. It is conceivable that terms such as a ‘working relationship’ and a ‘power-sharing formula’ refer to something other than the allocation of posts concerned with the making of high policy (such as ministries).
What might that be? It could possibly mean that the MQM, even though not formally a part of the government, would have to be consulted, and its concurrence obtained, on all major policy choices and administrative measures. In other words, Mr Altaf Hussain and company, sitting in London, would be in a position to immobilise the government without bearing any responsibility for the consequences of their interventions.
That this is what the MQM wanted is incredible. We are therefore returned to the matter of jobs. The negotiations broke down probably because the PPP would not give the MQM the number of ministries and the portfolios it wanted.
The PPP’s alleged insufficiency of interest in the negotiations is understandable, considering that it did not need the MQM for government formation in Sindh. It wanted to take the MQM along as part of Mr Zardari’s drive to spread ‘goodwill’ and togetherness. Nice but unnecessary.
It is not entirely clear what the MQM intends to do: whether or not to rock the PPP’s boat. Dr Farooq Sattar says his party will sit in the opposition in the Sindh and National Assemblies, but that it will support the government when it is doing the right thing. He has asked his party workers to keep an eye on the government’s doings and keep the people posted. He has also cautioned the PPP against using force to coerce or suppress the MQM, for things in 2008 are not the same as they were in 1995, meaning that the MQM is now quite capable of responding to the PPP’s offensive in kind.
If the MQM wants nothing more than an opening that enables it to advise on policy issues, its representatives can do so on the floor of parliament. The problems confronting the country are stupendous. Many of our people suffer malnutrition and may soon have to starve. A conference of experts at the World Bank has recently warned that food shortage in many developing countries will give rise to wars, domestic rebellions, plundering of grain warehouses and chaos.
Let the MQM scientists and philosophers study this awesome problem and tell us what to do. But, alas, it is dominance, not the dissemination of wisdom, that Mr Altaf Hussain desires.
Politicians have been talking of reconciliation and cooperation. It appears also that while this contemplated direction is beckoning them, their old ways pull them back. One cannot be certain which way our developing political culture will go.
Interesting things have happened. The PPP and PML-N, once enemies, came together to form coalition governments at the centre and in Punjab. Together they constituted a good majority in each of the two assemblies and did not need additional partners. Yet, they took in the ANP in the central government. This suited the PPP well because, wishing to join the ANP-led government in the NWFP, it wanted to befriend that party.
Mr Zardari, taking ‘the more the merrier’ line, also inducted JUI-F, whose outlook differed from that of the others (and which had only six members in the assembly), in his government. He wanted to take the MQM along, but that did not materialise. Mr Zardari’s approach to government formation may not have been sound. Coalitions are usually less cohesive and less energetic than single party governments.
The larger the number of partners the more numerous are the persons who must be consulted, and their consent obtained, before policy issues, and sometimes even matters of administrative detail (postings and transfer of officials) can be settled.
There is an additional problem with the present coalition arrangements. The prime minister and the provincial chief ministers are not the ones who lead and direct their governments. It is their respective party bosses — Asif Ali Zardari, Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif, Asfandyar Wali Khan (and prospectively Altaf Hussain) — who do it even though they hold no public office. One may call it government by remote control, which allows the real rulers to act arbitrarily without having to be held accountable.
In passing we may take note of an illustration of how this government by remote control works. On April 12 Dost Mohammad Khosa was sworn in as the chief minister of Punjab. According to a Lahore newspaper, after the ceremony, witnessed among others by the Sharifs, Mr Khosa walked to his own car and drove away.
The Sharifs left in a government limousine escorted by a fleet of official vehicles with full protocol. This to my mind was an immodest, even blatant, show of raw power on their part. It should be noted that Shahbaz Sharif, expected to replace Mr Khosa after he has won a seat in the provincial assembly in a couple of months from now, has been ruling Punjab almost openly since the Feb 18 elections.
Apparently, Mr Zardari believed that even though the PPP did not need the support of others to form a viable government in Sindh, it would be good to have the MQM on board, for it would bridge the “rural-urban gap” in the province. MQM leaders welcomed this prospect.
Negotiations between the two parties to settle the specifics of power-sharing are said to have begun on April 2. MQM leaders broke them off on April 13, saying that the PPP team did not pursue the matter seriously enough, and that nothing of a substantive nature had been discussed. They complained that Syed Qaim Ali Shah, the chief minister of Sindh, had stayed at the negotiating session on April 13 for no more than a few minutes, indicating his lack of interest. His indifference to the MQM’s sensitivities was demonstrated also by his appointment of Dr Shoaib Suddle as the provincial inspector general of police in spite of the MQM’s belief that he had condoned the extra-judicial killing of scores of its workers in the 1990s.
Dr Farooq Sattar, an MQM leader, claimed that in the negotiations his party had focused on developing a working relationship with the PPP and the question of the allocation of ministries had not come up. Another MQM spokesman, Senator Babar Ghauri, said his side had focused on the devising of a power-sharing formula. It is conceivable that terms such as a ‘working relationship’ and a ‘power-sharing formula’ refer to something other than the allocation of posts concerned with the making of high policy (such as ministries).
What might that be? It could possibly mean that the MQM, even though not formally a part of the government, would have to be consulted, and its concurrence obtained, on all major policy choices and administrative measures. In other words, Mr Altaf Hussain and company, sitting in London, would be in a position to immobilise the government without bearing any responsibility for the consequences of their interventions.
That this is what the MQM wanted is incredible. We are therefore returned to the matter of jobs. The negotiations broke down probably because the PPP would not give the MQM the number of ministries and the portfolios it wanted.
The PPP’s alleged insufficiency of interest in the negotiations is understandable, considering that it did not need the MQM for government formation in Sindh. It wanted to take the MQM along as part of Mr Zardari’s drive to spread ‘goodwill’ and togetherness. Nice but unnecessary.
It is not entirely clear what the MQM intends to do: whether or not to rock the PPP’s boat. Dr Farooq Sattar says his party will sit in the opposition in the Sindh and National Assemblies, but that it will support the government when it is doing the right thing. He has asked his party workers to keep an eye on the government’s doings and keep the people posted. He has also cautioned the PPP against using force to coerce or suppress the MQM, for things in 2008 are not the same as they were in 1995, meaning that the MQM is now quite capable of responding to the PPP’s offensive in kind.
If the MQM wants nothing more than an opening that enables it to advise on policy issues, its representatives can do so on the floor of parliament. The problems confronting the country are stupendous. Many of our people suffer malnutrition and may soon have to starve. A conference of experts at the World Bank has recently warned that food shortage in many developing countries will give rise to wars, domestic rebellions, plundering of grain warehouses and chaos.
Let the MQM scientists and philosophers study this awesome problem and tell us what to do. But, alas, it is dominance, not the dissemination of wisdom, that Mr Altaf Hussain desires.
Men At Their Best - Lahore Chapter
Zahir Khan
After a hearty participation of the members of Lahore chapter in Abbottabad grand assembly, they again got together on 18 Apr 08 along with their families to celebrate 31st anniversary of the passing out. A good number turned out to enjoy the cool and serene environment of the lawn of a local Mess. It was very fascinating to share the Abbottabad episode with all those who could not make it to there in the BBQ filled air.
The esthetically illuminated environ with live background music added a romantic tone to the setting. The dinner was also joined by Mumtaz Bajwa and Ashraf Tabassam who happened to be in the town at the time. Asghar Kalyar especially came over from Sargodha and broke his self imposed isolation since his defeat in the general election.
The esthetically illuminated environ with live background music added a romantic tone to the setting. The dinner was also joined by Mumtaz Bajwa and Ashraf Tabassam who happened to be in the town at the time. Asghar Kalyar especially came over from Sargodha and broke his self imposed isolation since his defeat in the general election.
Olympic Torch in Pakistan
Owais Mughal
Metroblog Islamabad also carried a curtain raiser on this even and can be read here. Following photo is a collection 5 Olympic mascots of Beijing Olympics.
After a gap of 44 years, the Olympic torch has arrived in Pakistan. From Muscat, it was brought to Islamabad on a chartered plane. A torch relay alongwith fireworks are planned for today (wednesday) in Islamabad.
So far, wherever the Beijing Olympics torch has gone, it has met protestors of pro-Tibet issue as well as demonstrators of pro-China stance. In Pakistan, strict security measures have been taken to stop any untoward incident.
The Daily News reports in a curtain raiser that: The President and the Prime Minister of the country will be present to watch the Torch Relay which will start in the afternoon from Jinnah Stadium, the main stadium in Pakistan Sports Complex, just across from Liaquat Gymnasium.Up to 66 people will carry the torch, one after the other, from the starting point to the Liaquat Gymnasium for the final functions which will culminate in the lighting of the cauldron.
Prominent among the runners will be former world squash champion Jahangir Khan and celebrated hockey player Hassan Sardar who was the star of the Pakistan team that captured the Olympics gold medal at the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics.
The Chinese Ambassador in Islamabad, Luo Zhaohui. will also carry the torch.
From Pakistan, the torch will go to India.
Metroblog Islamabad also carried a curtain raiser on this even and can be read here. Following photo is a collection 5 Olympic mascots of Beijing Olympics.
Badghizi’s Travels
Kalpana Sahni
He repeated his question for the fourth time, “What do you think of this carpet?”
The first three times the Italian’s questions had been answered with a plate of melons, followed by peaches, and finally kishmish and tea. This time Badghizi merely smiled. His smile also seemed to be the signal for another large dish of pullao to appear miraculously. It was typical, should I say, of Afghan or Turkmen or Central Asian hospitality.
Badghizi, sensing the edge in the Italian’s tone, decided to break his silence.
“Please try these Samarkandi peaches. After lunch I need time to talk to the carpet. Find out, from her, her age, her life... “
Seeing the look of contempt on Stefano’s face, Badghizi paused. It was the silence of a sage.
“Yes”, he continued, “The carpet will tell me if one person’s hands wove it or if there were many hands involved; whether it was woven for a special occasion or for day to day use; whether it belongs to one clan or whether others entered its folds...”
“What do you mean — different clans?”
“Supposing a girl from the Saryk clan marries a Bashiri boy then the girl could introduce some Bashiri motifs into her Saryk design next time she weaves a carpet. Anyway, I also have to ask the carpet the number of knots she has, whether she is made of silk or wool or both; whether natural dyes have been used or chemical ones...All this takes time. Please eat...”
The object of discussion, in the meantime, lay in a corner of a vast hall overflowing with carpets. Some were spread out one on top of another, while others were rolled up. We too were perched on a pile of carpets. This hall was at the furthest end of a carpet factory in Samarkand. And Badghizi is part of its history.
I first met Badghizi in 1986 in Soviet-occupied Kabul where his family was trading in carpets. His daughters and wife wove the carpets and the males in the family looked after the business. It was in Kabul that I stepped into the fascinating world of carpets. Till then I had no idea that the art of Turkic carpet weaving dates back at least 2,500 years. The carpet-weaving culture of the sheep breeders includes enormous carpets and small tent bags, even salt bags, camel covers and door purdahs, each of them a gem of art. I learnt that the Baloch carpets are woven by the Afghans, whereas the Saryk, Mauri and Bashiri by the Turkmen. The larger geometric medallions or gul (flower) determine the name of the carpet, the clan or the town of its origin.
My introduction to carpets was consequential to my research about the Central Asian peoples of the Soviet Union and how they had settled in Afghanistan. Badghizi’s family had fled from Turkmenistan in the 1930s at the time of forced collectivisation in the USSR. They managed to survive and piece together their existence as migrants, keeping alive their carpet-weaving tradition. In the meantime as the USSR industrialised, machines were replacing hand-woven carpets, and chemical dyes were substituting natural dyes.
Some more years passed. Just before our departure for Samarkand where my husband and I were engaged in a UNESCO project, I was rung up with a request to carry indigo for Mr Badghizi in Samarkand. Could it be our Badghizi? We were delighted to meet a long lost friend and asked him what had brought him to Samarkand.
The political situation deteriorated during the Taliban regime forcing Badghizi to once again pack up his bags and leave Kabul. Some family members moved to Delhi. Badghizi with his two daughters came to Uzbekistan — a new country also in the throes of great turmoil. The old man realised that there was widespread unemployment and many people had lost their carpet-weaving skills. So he approached the Uzbek government for permission to set up a carpet-training workshop in an abandoned factory.
Within two years Badghizi and his family had trained 200 girls in carpet weaving. At the end of her training each girl was presented a loom to take home and earn a livelihood. Badghizi reintroduced natural dyes. The indigo I had brought was meant as proof for the sceptics who attended his carpet weaving workshops, and who had forgotten about the existence of original natural dyes that went into the making of these fabulous carpets.
I do not know where Badghizi is today. Has his scattered family reunited? I wonder if he returned to Kabul — now under American control. All I can say is that life’s enormous upheavals and countless displacements did not make him bitter or cynical. Instead he simply continued to spread his goodness and knowledge through his art, wherever he went.
He repeated his question for the fourth time, “What do you think of this carpet?”
The first three times the Italian’s questions had been answered with a plate of melons, followed by peaches, and finally kishmish and tea. This time Badghizi merely smiled. His smile also seemed to be the signal for another large dish of pullao to appear miraculously. It was typical, should I say, of Afghan or Turkmen or Central Asian hospitality.
Badghizi, sensing the edge in the Italian’s tone, decided to break his silence.
“Please try these Samarkandi peaches. After lunch I need time to talk to the carpet. Find out, from her, her age, her life... “
Seeing the look of contempt on Stefano’s face, Badghizi paused. It was the silence of a sage.
“Yes”, he continued, “The carpet will tell me if one person’s hands wove it or if there were many hands involved; whether it was woven for a special occasion or for day to day use; whether it belongs to one clan or whether others entered its folds...”
“What do you mean — different clans?”
“Supposing a girl from the Saryk clan marries a Bashiri boy then the girl could introduce some Bashiri motifs into her Saryk design next time she weaves a carpet. Anyway, I also have to ask the carpet the number of knots she has, whether she is made of silk or wool or both; whether natural dyes have been used or chemical ones...All this takes time. Please eat...”
The object of discussion, in the meantime, lay in a corner of a vast hall overflowing with carpets. Some were spread out one on top of another, while others were rolled up. We too were perched on a pile of carpets. This hall was at the furthest end of a carpet factory in Samarkand. And Badghizi is part of its history.
I first met Badghizi in 1986 in Soviet-occupied Kabul where his family was trading in carpets. His daughters and wife wove the carpets and the males in the family looked after the business. It was in Kabul that I stepped into the fascinating world of carpets. Till then I had no idea that the art of Turkic carpet weaving dates back at least 2,500 years. The carpet-weaving culture of the sheep breeders includes enormous carpets and small tent bags, even salt bags, camel covers and door purdahs, each of them a gem of art. I learnt that the Baloch carpets are woven by the Afghans, whereas the Saryk, Mauri and Bashiri by the Turkmen. The larger geometric medallions or gul (flower) determine the name of the carpet, the clan or the town of its origin.
My introduction to carpets was consequential to my research about the Central Asian peoples of the Soviet Union and how they had settled in Afghanistan. Badghizi’s family had fled from Turkmenistan in the 1930s at the time of forced collectivisation in the USSR. They managed to survive and piece together their existence as migrants, keeping alive their carpet-weaving tradition. In the meantime as the USSR industrialised, machines were replacing hand-woven carpets, and chemical dyes were substituting natural dyes.
Some more years passed. Just before our departure for Samarkand where my husband and I were engaged in a UNESCO project, I was rung up with a request to carry indigo for Mr Badghizi in Samarkand. Could it be our Badghizi? We were delighted to meet a long lost friend and asked him what had brought him to Samarkand.
The political situation deteriorated during the Taliban regime forcing Badghizi to once again pack up his bags and leave Kabul. Some family members moved to Delhi. Badghizi with his two daughters came to Uzbekistan — a new country also in the throes of great turmoil. The old man realised that there was widespread unemployment and many people had lost their carpet-weaving skills. So he approached the Uzbek government for permission to set up a carpet-training workshop in an abandoned factory.
Within two years Badghizi and his family had trained 200 girls in carpet weaving. At the end of her training each girl was presented a loom to take home and earn a livelihood. Badghizi reintroduced natural dyes. The indigo I had brought was meant as proof for the sceptics who attended his carpet weaving workshops, and who had forgotten about the existence of original natural dyes that went into the making of these fabulous carpets.
I do not know where Badghizi is today. Has his scattered family reunited? I wonder if he returned to Kabul — now under American control. All I can say is that life’s enormous upheavals and countless displacements did not make him bitter or cynical. Instead he simply continued to spread his goodness and knowledge through his art, wherever he went.
You Calling Me Colored
Poem written by an African kid and was Nominated by UN as the best Poem of 2006. Thanks to Jamil.
When I born, I black
When I grow up, I black
When I go in Sun, I black
When I scared, I black
When I sick, I black
And when I die, I still black
And you white fellow
When you born, you pink
When you grow up, you white
When you go in sun, you red
When you cold, you blue
When you scared, you yellow
When you sick, you green
And when you die, you grey
And you calling me colored?
When I born, I black
When I grow up, I black
When I go in Sun, I black
When I scared, I black
When I sick, I black
And when I die, I still black
And you white fellow
When you born, you pink
When you grow up, you white
When you go in sun, you red
When you cold, you blue
When you scared, you yellow
When you sick, you green
And when you die, you grey
And you calling me colored?
Hazrat Ali (AS) on Good Governance
Raza Rumi
... Ali (AS) had written a comprehensive letter – articulating principles of public policy – for the guidance of the newly appointed Governor to Egypt, Maalik al Ashtar. In this fascinating directive, Ali (AS) advises the new governor that his administration will succeed only if he governs with concern for justice, equity, probity and the prosperity of all. There is a timeless applicability of this famous letter. Selected passages from the text are reproduced below:
Religious tolerance: Amongst your subjects there are two kinds of people: those who have the same religion as you [and] are brothers to you, and those who have religions other than yours, [who] are human beings like you. Men of either category suffer from the same weaknesses and disabilities that human beings are inclined to; they commit sins, indulge in vices either intentionally or foolishly and unintentionally without realising the enormity of their deeds. Let your mercy and compassion come to their rescue and help in the same way and to the same extent that you expect Allah to show mercy and forgiveness to you .
Equity is best: A policy which is based on equity will be largely appreciated. Remember that the displeasure of common men, the have-nots and the depressed persons, over-balances the approval of important persons, while the displeasure of a few big people will be excused… if the general public and the masses of your subjects are happy with you .
The rich:…are the people who will be the worst drag upon you during your moments of peace and happiness, and the least useful to you during your hours of need and adversity. They hate justice the most. They will keep demanding more and more out of State resources and will seldom be satisfied with what they receive and will never be obliged for the favour shown to them if their demands are justifiably refused.
On judiciary: You must select people of excellent character and high calibre with meritorious records . . . When they realise that they have committed a mistake in judgment, they should not insist on it by trying to justify it . . . They should not be corrupt, covetous or greedy . . . . These appointments must be made . . . without any kind of favouritism being shown or influence being accepted; otherwise tyranny, corruption and misrule will reign . . . Let the judiciary be above every kind of executive pressure or influence, above fear or favour, intrigue or corruption.
Poverty: If a country is prosperous and if its people are well-to-do, then it will happily and willingly bear any burden. The poverty of the people is the actual cause of the devastation and ruination of a country, and the main cause of the poverty of the people is the desire of its ruler and officers to amass wealth and possessions, whether by fair or foul means.
Corruption undermines national well-being: I want to advise you about your businessmen and industrialists. Treat them well . . . They are the sources of wealth to the country . . . One more thing . . . you must keep an eye over their activities as well. You know that they are usually stingy misers, intensely self-centered and selfish, suffering from the obsession of grasping and accumulating wealth. They often hoard their goods to get more profit out of them by creating scarcity and by indulging in black-marketing.
On communicating with people: You must take care not to cut yourself off from the public. Do not place a curtain of false prestige between you and those over whom you rule. Such pretension and shows of pomp and pride are in reality manifestations of an inferiority complex and of vanity. The result of such an attitude is that you remain ignorant of the conditions of your subjects and of the actual cases of the events occurring in the State.
Peace leads to prosperity: If your enemy invites you to a peace treaty . . . never refuse to accept such an offer, because peace will bring rest and comfort to your armies, will relieve you of anxieties and worries, and will bring prosperity and affluence to your people . . . Be very careful never to break your promise with your enemy; never forsake the protection or support that you have offered to him; never go back upon your word, and never violate the terms of the treaty.
This document, written centuries ago, reflects an astute understanding of the class structure of society – ages before class as a political construct was defined, analysed and elaborated upon. The underlying ethos of a welfare state is captured here: protecting the poor and the disadvantaged...
... Ali (AS) had written a comprehensive letter – articulating principles of public policy – for the guidance of the newly appointed Governor to Egypt, Maalik al Ashtar. In this fascinating directive, Ali (AS) advises the new governor that his administration will succeed only if he governs with concern for justice, equity, probity and the prosperity of all. There is a timeless applicability of this famous letter. Selected passages from the text are reproduced below:
Religious tolerance: Amongst your subjects there are two kinds of people: those who have the same religion as you [and] are brothers to you, and those who have religions other than yours, [who] are human beings like you. Men of either category suffer from the same weaknesses and disabilities that human beings are inclined to; they commit sins, indulge in vices either intentionally or foolishly and unintentionally without realising the enormity of their deeds. Let your mercy and compassion come to their rescue and help in the same way and to the same extent that you expect Allah to show mercy and forgiveness to you .
Equity is best: A policy which is based on equity will be largely appreciated. Remember that the displeasure of common men, the have-nots and the depressed persons, over-balances the approval of important persons, while the displeasure of a few big people will be excused… if the general public and the masses of your subjects are happy with you .
The rich:…are the people who will be the worst drag upon you during your moments of peace and happiness, and the least useful to you during your hours of need and adversity. They hate justice the most. They will keep demanding more and more out of State resources and will seldom be satisfied with what they receive and will never be obliged for the favour shown to them if their demands are justifiably refused.
On judiciary: You must select people of excellent character and high calibre with meritorious records . . . When they realise that they have committed a mistake in judgment, they should not insist on it by trying to justify it . . . They should not be corrupt, covetous or greedy . . . . These appointments must be made . . . without any kind of favouritism being shown or influence being accepted; otherwise tyranny, corruption and misrule will reign . . . Let the judiciary be above every kind of executive pressure or influence, above fear or favour, intrigue or corruption.
Poverty: If a country is prosperous and if its people are well-to-do, then it will happily and willingly bear any burden. The poverty of the people is the actual cause of the devastation and ruination of a country, and the main cause of the poverty of the people is the desire of its ruler and officers to amass wealth and possessions, whether by fair or foul means.
Corruption undermines national well-being: I want to advise you about your businessmen and industrialists. Treat them well . . . They are the sources of wealth to the country . . . One more thing . . . you must keep an eye over their activities as well. You know that they are usually stingy misers, intensely self-centered and selfish, suffering from the obsession of grasping and accumulating wealth. They often hoard their goods to get more profit out of them by creating scarcity and by indulging in black-marketing.
On communicating with people: You must take care not to cut yourself off from the public. Do not place a curtain of false prestige between you and those over whom you rule. Such pretension and shows of pomp and pride are in reality manifestations of an inferiority complex and of vanity. The result of such an attitude is that you remain ignorant of the conditions of your subjects and of the actual cases of the events occurring in the State.
Peace leads to prosperity: If your enemy invites you to a peace treaty . . . never refuse to accept such an offer, because peace will bring rest and comfort to your armies, will relieve you of anxieties and worries, and will bring prosperity and affluence to your people . . . Be very careful never to break your promise with your enemy; never forsake the protection or support that you have offered to him; never go back upon your word, and never violate the terms of the treaty.
This document, written centuries ago, reflects an astute understanding of the class structure of society – ages before class as a political construct was defined, analysed and elaborated upon. The underlying ethos of a welfare state is captured here: protecting the poor and the disadvantaged...
The Legend of Bhagat Singh
The history of the struggle against the British has always been taught as a two-sided game: there was the Congress, there was the Muslim League and they were the representatives of India. We know nothing of the less-profiled heroes - the likes of ones who were highlighted in this movie. They too are part of both of our countries' histories, but invisible heroes they are! And the weird thing is that the agenda of these less profiled movements was more comprehensive than the ones adopted by either of the main parties. They had one demand right from the beginning: total independence.
Total independence. That would imply complete freedom from the presence of the British and their political structures - the complete aboilation of the colonial structures. In place of mere transfer of political power. But, unfortunately, at the end of the day that is precisely what happened. The colonial structures in the form of the bureaucracy, the political framework and the ruling elite remained wholy intact. And the result is out there, for all of us to see. The poor of both our countries are yet to benefit from the fruits of "freedom". So then was it the lack of sagacity of the top political brass or was it the compulsions of working within the system or was it that the top political brass did not, just, try hard enough? Maybe a combination of all three, but I'm digressing here.
Back to The Legend of Bhagat Singh. There was another thing struck me. In fact, it glared me right in the face as I was watching the movie: majority of the events chronicled in the movie took place in Lahore, my hometown, and yet I had scanty knowledge about them prior to watching the movie! It is almost as if Bhagat Singh, Azad and friends have been erased from the slate of history on this side of the border! I will hazard a guess, as to why it was done. They were not Muslims. Period. And therefore, could not conform to the Two Nation Theory and had to be disposed off. Is it just me, or does anyone else also see the problem here?
So while I was still mulling over this, I came across this article. The author is an Indian lady who accounts her experiences of a visit to Bukhara. The article is worth a read for it narrates the history, the heritage and the myths of bygone days. Days which were by both our countries. Yet, we don't remember them like that. By and large it is a Muslim history and therefore, it is either: revered and glorified [knowingly or unknowingly]; or hated for the barbaric kings who brought it to the subcontinent. The collective "Indian" [lets say - the pre-partition Indian identity] element has been purged from this history. Why? Again, was it done owing to the events of '47? Or had we begun demarcating our history even earlier?
So in the light of all that, I want to leave you with this question: how can we work towards a shared heritage and history for the subcontinent? For we share the heritage and history of this area - that is just one more fact of life!
Total independence. That would imply complete freedom from the presence of the British and their political structures - the complete aboilation of the colonial structures. In place of mere transfer of political power. But, unfortunately, at the end of the day that is precisely what happened. The colonial structures in the form of the bureaucracy, the political framework and the ruling elite remained wholy intact. And the result is out there, for all of us to see. The poor of both our countries are yet to benefit from the fruits of "freedom". So then was it the lack of sagacity of the top political brass or was it the compulsions of working within the system or was it that the top political brass did not, just, try hard enough? Maybe a combination of all three, but I'm digressing here.
Back to The Legend of Bhagat Singh. There was another thing struck me. In fact, it glared me right in the face as I was watching the movie: majority of the events chronicled in the movie took place in Lahore, my hometown, and yet I had scanty knowledge about them prior to watching the movie! It is almost as if Bhagat Singh, Azad and friends have been erased from the slate of history on this side of the border! I will hazard a guess, as to why it was done. They were not Muslims. Period. And therefore, could not conform to the Two Nation Theory and had to be disposed off. Is it just me, or does anyone else also see the problem here?
So while I was still mulling over this, I came across this article. The author is an Indian lady who accounts her experiences of a visit to Bukhara. The article is worth a read for it narrates the history, the heritage and the myths of bygone days. Days which were by both our countries. Yet, we don't remember them like that. By and large it is a Muslim history and therefore, it is either: revered and glorified [knowingly or unknowingly]; or hated for the barbaric kings who brought it to the subcontinent. The collective "Indian" [lets say - the pre-partition Indian identity] element has been purged from this history. Why? Again, was it done owing to the events of '47? Or had we begun demarcating our history even earlier?
So in the light of all that, I want to leave you with this question: how can we work towards a shared heritage and history for the subcontinent? For we share the heritage and history of this area - that is just one more fact of life!
Cost of Iraq War
This is an astounding figure. Not to mention the loss of over 1 million civilians, the sectarian blood-baths, the destruction of a civilisation and reduction of a country to rubble..
And, this economic cost is just a little part of this sordid, ugly tale of our times. Naomi Spencer writes:
Stiglitz said the costs of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan would be somewhere between $5 trillion and $7 trillion for the US alone. Another estimated $6 trillion will be borne by other countries, he said.
…More than a million civilians have been killed in Iraq alone. Some 4.5 million more have been displaced by the violence, with thousands of refugees fleeing the country into Syria, Jordan and elsewhere every day. With $3-5 trillion, the US government has destroyed an entire society.
……One consequence of the chaos wrought in the Middle East, Stiglitz asserts, has been the enormous rise in the price of oil. For industrialized countries, the increase in the cost of oil attributable to the war is around $1.1 trillion. For developing countries, the effect has been much more extreme. According to Stigltiz’s and Bilmes’ book, the increase in the cost of oil more than offsets the increase in foreign aid to countries in Africa.
Spencer’s article in full can be read below:
By Naomi Spencer
As the five-year anniversary of the US invasion of Iraq approaches, a leading economist is estimating that the overall cost of the war will be between $3 trillion and $5 trillion. This figure does not take into account the enormous devastation that the US military has wrought upon the population and social infrastructure of Iraq.On Thursday, Joseph Stiglitz told the congressional Joint Economic Committee that $3 trillion was at the low end of estimated war costs. After factoring in the cost of weapons and operations, future health-care costs for veterans, interest on foreign loans used to fund the war, and future borrowing, Stiglitz said the costs of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan would be somewhere between $5 trillion and $7 trillion for the US alone. Another estimated $6 trillion will be borne by other countries, he said.
Stiglitz, former chief economist for the World Bank and a Nobel laureate, is co-author with Harvard economics professor Linda Bilmes of The Three Trillion Dollar War: The True Cost of the Iraq Conflict, a book released Friday. The book builds on 2006 research that estimated the cost of the so-called war on terror in excess of $1 trillion.
Officially, the US spends $16 billion every month to occupy Iraq and Afghanistan, but this figure includes only direct expenses.
These enormous sums are being expended to carry out a crime of immeasurable proportions. More than a million civilians have been killed in Iraq alone. Some 4.5 million more have been displaced by the violence, with thousands of refugees fleeing the country into Syria, Jordan and elsewhere every day. With $3-5 trillion, the US government has destroyed an entire society.
Those charged with carrying out the conquest have also been sacrificed. Over 5,000 military personnel—the vast majority US troops—have died in the wars against Iraq and Afghanistan since 2001. A substantial portion of the estimated costs will go to pay for health care for the tens of thousands of wounded soldiers.
The American ruling class has initiated a policy of unending war as it cuts jobs and social programs in the United States. According to Stiglitz and Bilmes, $1 trillion could pay for 8 million housing units, university scholarships for 43 million students, health care for 530 million children, or the salaries of 15 million public school teachers in the US.
In an interview published Thursday in the British newspaper, the Guardian, Stiglitz noted that the US spends $5 billion a year in aid to Africa. “Five billion is roughly 10 days’ fighting, so you get a new metric of thinking about everything,” he said.
The United Nations estimates that $195 billion would end world hunger and most of the devastating diseases afflicting the world’s poor. AIDS, measles, tuberculosis, malaria and other water-borne illnesses could all be brought into manageable numbers or wholly eradicated within a short time for less than the cost of one year of waging war in Iraq. Instead, the US occupation of Iraq has reintroduced diseases such as cholera into Iraqi society.
For years, the US political establishment has carried out attacks on social programs and the jobs of American workers. Workers are now told that there is no money for decent wages and benefits, while billions are spent on military wars of aggression.
One consequence of the chaos wrought in the Middle East, Stiglitz asserts, has been the enormous rise in the price of oil. For industrialized countries, the increase in the cost of oil attributable to the war is around $1.1 trillion. For developing countries, the effect has been much more extreme. According to Stigltiz’s and Bilmes’ book, the increase in the cost of oil more than offsets the increase in foreign aid to countries in Africa.
The White House, which refused to testify before the Joint Economic Committee on the cost of the war, reacted to Stiglitz’s remarks with undisguised hostility and derision. “People like Joe Stiglitz lack the courage to consider the cost of doing nothing and the cost of failure,” White House spokesperson Tony Fratto told the press. “One can’t even begin to put a price tag on the cost to this nation of the attacks of 9/11.”
The Iraq war, Fratto said, “is also an investment in the future safety and security of Americans and our vital national interests. Three trillion dollars? What price does Joe Stiglitz put on attacks on the homeland that have already been prevented? Or doesn’t his slide rule work that way?”
Stiglitz told Democracy Now! radio on Friday that the most significant budgetary cost of the war is the care of disabled veterans, which he said “will total hundreds of billions of dollars over the next decades.” The war has inflicted a huge number of injuries. He said that an estimated 39 percent of soldiers would have some form of disability after completing their rotations.
Bilmes, who also appeared on the Democracy Now! program, explained that while in previous wars the ratio of wounded to dead was two-to-one or three-to-one, new medical technologies have allowed many who might otherwise have died to survive extremely serious injuries. The wounded to fatality rate for the Iraq war is approximately 15-to-1. “What it means is that the United States has a long-term cost of taking care of many, many thousands of disabled veterans for the rest of their lives,” she said.
“Then you go beyond that budgetary cost to the cost of the economy,” Stiglitz added. “When somebody gets disabled, the disability pay is just a fraction of the loss to their family, to the income that they could have otherwise earned.”
“There are a whole set of macroeconomic costs, which have depressed the economy,” including the price of oil, Stiglitz said. “What’s happened is, to offset those costs, the Federal Reserve has flooded the economy with liquidity…. We were living off of borrowed money. The war was totally financed by deficits. And eventually, a day of reckoning had to come, and now it’s come.”
While the vast majority of the US and world population wants an end to the occupation in Iraq, no section of the political establishment represents this opposition.
An article in the Wall Street Journal on Friday noted that the Democratic presidential candidates, Senators Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, employ careful rhetoric on the issue of withdrawal from Iraq. “Both candidates draw a distinction between ‘combat’ troops, whom they want to withdraw, and ‘noncombat’ troops, who will stay to battle terrorists, protect the US civilian presence and possibly train and mentor Iraqi security forces,” the newspaper noted.
This distinction allows the candidates to posture as opponents of the war while maintaining their commitment to an indefinite occupation.
“No one is talking about getting to zero,” a foreign policy advisor for Obama told the Journal. An unnamed Obama campaign “senior advisor” said the senator was “comfortable with a long-term US troop presence of around five brigades,” according to the paper.
Looking For Political Legacies
Anwar Syed
The PPP elders have been declaring their resolve to carry forward the late Ms Benazir Bhutto’s legacy. What they do in this regard will depend on what they find her legacy to be. Looking for the legacy of a public figure, one would want to identify her/his professed ideals and goals and the actions she/he took to accomplish them.
Her/his accomplishment is likely to have been modest if her/his goals included the remaking of society in her/his own image.
It is one thing for folks to admire a legacy, another to follow it in their practice. Attainment in full measure of high ideals is for most of us an ever receding goal.
Many a prophet left a glorious code of life and splendid examples of personal behaviour, but most of those who subscribed to the faith he had brought ignored his legacy in the actual conduct of their affairs. This is not to say that legacies of venerable men are of no consequence. If we did not have ideals, rules of morality, and laws, life would become chaotic and, as Thomas Hobbes had said, a “war of every man against every man”.
Let us look at the legacies of a few tall men of history from our own region and see what we find. Take, for instance, ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi, who is believed to have personified ‘simple living and high thinking’. He did not work to make money, did not covet material possessions, and lived in a rural, rustic environment, which his wealthy admirers had created for him. He dressed scantily and went about sockless in wooden sandals. A deeply religious Hindu, and an ascetic, he gave up pleasures of the flesh fairly early in his married life.
Gandhi preached and practised non-violence. He waged a long struggle for India’s independence, launched movements of civil disobedience and passive resistance in opposition to British rule, and went to jail for extended periods of time. A man of the people, a mass leader, he mingled with the poor and adopted their idiom, style and symbols in his interaction with them.
Indians, especially the Hindus, venerated Gandhi and answered his call enthusiastically when it came to the struggle for independence. One might have expected that they would also adopt his values and lifestyle. That they did not do, not even his close associates such as Jawaharlal Nehru. Born an aristocrat, he remained one all his life. He did not accept Gandhi’s religious inclinations or his social and economic preferences. Post-independence India let go of Gandhi’s politics, even his stress on non-violence.
Very unlike Gandhi was that other great Indian leader, the man who changed the course of history, the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. He made no claim to spirituality. He and his concerns were primarily worldly.
One of the most illustrious lawyers and politicians in the country, he had many enhancing qualities. He was: industrious, persevering, thorough, attentive to detail; courageous, candid, confident, determined, willful; orderly; man of honour, keeper of his covenants, eloquent, tough negotiator; wealthy, elegant, one of the world’s best dressed men; generous contributor to charities and noble causes; constitutionalist, law-abiding, honest, incorruptible; believer in the primacy of the public interest over the personal and private; unwavering guardian of Muslim interests; secular minded; advocate of equal rights for all citizens.
Pakistanis think of Mr Jinnah as the Quaid-i-Azam (great leader). They are proud of his credentials, attainments and victories over his opponents. But in their actual practice, they ignore his public philosophy (as much as the Indians do Gandhi’s), particularly with regard to probity, primacy of the public interest, respect for law, equal rights for women and the minorities, and tolerance of the dissident.
PPP notables claim that Benazir followed and implemented her father’s legacy. His record as a ruler is blemished with arbitrariness, violation of democratic norms, persecution of opponents and dissidents. It is not a model to be commended to others. He was a master of the modes and techniques of mobilising the masses and building a rapport with them. He was a relentless campaigner. He went to cities, towns and villages across the country, mingled with the people, and talked with them about their problems and concerns. He was an eloquent public speaker and an effective user of body language.
He devised inviting slogans, responding to the basic needs of the poor. This was not mere show. He had a genuine regard for the poor and wanted to improve their lives. He urged them to participate in politics and gave them a sense of personal dignity and political efficacy. In his record as mass leader there is much for others to study and emulate.
There is nothing remarkably positive in Benazir Bhutto’s experience as this country’s prime minister. We may have to explore her record as an opposition leader to find noteworthy actions. We know that she was well-educated, articulate, eloquent, amazingly energetic and hardworking. We know also that she was a shrewd and perceptive politician, determined, persevering, brave and for the right cause willing to risk her life.
More of her legacy is to be found in her professed values, principles and commitments. She inherited her father’s sympathetic concern for the poor and oppressed. Like him, she mingled and built rapport with them. She had also begun to declare her support for their right to the basic amenities of life, and she asserted the government’s obligation to provide them. She endorsed the demand of the smaller provinces for a larger measure of autonomy, and she emerged as a champion of democracy.
It should, however, be noted that democracy and provincial autonomy were not Ms Bhutto’s exclusive or peculiar concerns. Most other political leaders had been voicing them over the years. (Recall MRD, ARD, Charter of Democracy, PDM.) These concerns have become part of the Pakistani political culture. It goes to Benazir’s credit that she voiced them and struggled for their realisation more persistently and vigorously than others.
History does things with its more notable characters which they, and the men of their generation, had not anticipated. Mythmaking has always been a flourishing industry. With the passage of time qualities and accomplishments, of which her contemporaries have no awareness, will probably be attributed to her and she will be elevated to sainthood. But that is history’s business, not mine.
The PPP elders have been declaring their resolve to carry forward the late Ms Benazir Bhutto’s legacy. What they do in this regard will depend on what they find her legacy to be. Looking for the legacy of a public figure, one would want to identify her/his professed ideals and goals and the actions she/he took to accomplish them.
Her/his accomplishment is likely to have been modest if her/his goals included the remaking of society in her/his own image.
It is one thing for folks to admire a legacy, another to follow it in their practice. Attainment in full measure of high ideals is for most of us an ever receding goal.
Many a prophet left a glorious code of life and splendid examples of personal behaviour, but most of those who subscribed to the faith he had brought ignored his legacy in the actual conduct of their affairs. This is not to say that legacies of venerable men are of no consequence. If we did not have ideals, rules of morality, and laws, life would become chaotic and, as Thomas Hobbes had said, a “war of every man against every man”.
Let us look at the legacies of a few tall men of history from our own region and see what we find. Take, for instance, ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi, who is believed to have personified ‘simple living and high thinking’. He did not work to make money, did not covet material possessions, and lived in a rural, rustic environment, which his wealthy admirers had created for him. He dressed scantily and went about sockless in wooden sandals. A deeply religious Hindu, and an ascetic, he gave up pleasures of the flesh fairly early in his married life.
Gandhi preached and practised non-violence. He waged a long struggle for India’s independence, launched movements of civil disobedience and passive resistance in opposition to British rule, and went to jail for extended periods of time. A man of the people, a mass leader, he mingled with the poor and adopted their idiom, style and symbols in his interaction with them.
Indians, especially the Hindus, venerated Gandhi and answered his call enthusiastically when it came to the struggle for independence. One might have expected that they would also adopt his values and lifestyle. That they did not do, not even his close associates such as Jawaharlal Nehru. Born an aristocrat, he remained one all his life. He did not accept Gandhi’s religious inclinations or his social and economic preferences. Post-independence India let go of Gandhi’s politics, even his stress on non-violence.
Very unlike Gandhi was that other great Indian leader, the man who changed the course of history, the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. He made no claim to spirituality. He and his concerns were primarily worldly.
One of the most illustrious lawyers and politicians in the country, he had many enhancing qualities. He was: industrious, persevering, thorough, attentive to detail; courageous, candid, confident, determined, willful; orderly; man of honour, keeper of his covenants, eloquent, tough negotiator; wealthy, elegant, one of the world’s best dressed men; generous contributor to charities and noble causes; constitutionalist, law-abiding, honest, incorruptible; believer in the primacy of the public interest over the personal and private; unwavering guardian of Muslim interests; secular minded; advocate of equal rights for all citizens.
Pakistanis think of Mr Jinnah as the Quaid-i-Azam (great leader). They are proud of his credentials, attainments and victories over his opponents. But in their actual practice, they ignore his public philosophy (as much as the Indians do Gandhi’s), particularly with regard to probity, primacy of the public interest, respect for law, equal rights for women and the minorities, and tolerance of the dissident.
PPP notables claim that Benazir followed and implemented her father’s legacy. His record as a ruler is blemished with arbitrariness, violation of democratic norms, persecution of opponents and dissidents. It is not a model to be commended to others. He was a master of the modes and techniques of mobilising the masses and building a rapport with them. He was a relentless campaigner. He went to cities, towns and villages across the country, mingled with the people, and talked with them about their problems and concerns. He was an eloquent public speaker and an effective user of body language.
He devised inviting slogans, responding to the basic needs of the poor. This was not mere show. He had a genuine regard for the poor and wanted to improve their lives. He urged them to participate in politics and gave them a sense of personal dignity and political efficacy. In his record as mass leader there is much for others to study and emulate.
There is nothing remarkably positive in Benazir Bhutto’s experience as this country’s prime minister. We may have to explore her record as an opposition leader to find noteworthy actions. We know that she was well-educated, articulate, eloquent, amazingly energetic and hardworking. We know also that she was a shrewd and perceptive politician, determined, persevering, brave and for the right cause willing to risk her life.
More of her legacy is to be found in her professed values, principles and commitments. She inherited her father’s sympathetic concern for the poor and oppressed. Like him, she mingled and built rapport with them. She had also begun to declare her support for their right to the basic amenities of life, and she asserted the government’s obligation to provide them. She endorsed the demand of the smaller provinces for a larger measure of autonomy, and she emerged as a champion of democracy.
It should, however, be noted that democracy and provincial autonomy were not Ms Bhutto’s exclusive or peculiar concerns. Most other political leaders had been voicing them over the years. (Recall MRD, ARD, Charter of Democracy, PDM.) These concerns have become part of the Pakistani political culture. It goes to Benazir’s credit that she voiced them and struggled for their realisation more persistently and vigorously than others.
History does things with its more notable characters which they, and the men of their generation, had not anticipated. Mythmaking has always been a flourishing industry. With the passage of time qualities and accomplishments, of which her contemporaries have no awareness, will probably be attributed to her and she will be elevated to sainthood. But that is history’s business, not mine.
O God, Only You Know All My Pains
“O God, you are my state of being” is what this Kafi of Shah Hussain loosely means. It is about the internal and external knowledge of Reality. I have been singing this Kafi for the last few days. Here is a translation (courtesy Shahidain) followed by an audio version and the Punjabi lyrics-
“O God, only You know all my pains.
You are within me and You are outside me( You are everywhere)
In every pore of mine (from top to toe) only you dwell.
You are the warp, You are the woof.
You are every thing for me.
Says Hussain, the Humble Faqir, I am nothing, You are everything
“O God, only You know all my pains.
You are within me and You are outside me( You are everywhere)
In every pore of mine (from top to toe) only you dwell.
You are the warp, You are the woof.
You are every thing for me.
Says Hussain, the Humble Faqir, I am nothing, You are everything
Public Notices
Owais Mughal
Last time I was in Pakistan, I noticed a few public notices which made me smile. Even though I've grown up seeing these all my life, they somehow felt funnier this time. The following is not necessarliy a negative writing but something that I observed and enjoyed.
(1) ghaas pe chalna "sakht" mana hai
(Walking on grass is strictly prohibited)
I mean, what is the difference between prohibited (mana) and strictly prohibited (sakht mana)? Who is enforcing the strictness (sakhti) here? It will be interesting to survey how many (if any) extra people refrain from walking on the grass with a notice saying strictly forbidden as compared to simply forbidden.
For our English readership the board on the photo below reads:
"Throwing trash here is strictly prohibited. By the orders of Executive Officer Cantonment Board Quetta. Culprits will be handed over to the police"
A friend of mine tells me that just behind Karachi University, in Bhayani Heights Apartments there is list of instructions written at the notice board. One of them reads:
‘University Ground may kachra phenkna sakht mana hai. Rangers ground ki nigraani kar rahay haiN. khilaaf warzi karnay waalay ko pooray ground ki safaai karni paray gi’
(Throwing trash in the University grounds is prohibited. Rangers are watching. Culprits will have to clean the whole ground)
It reminds me of this famous 'sher'.
hum pe ye sakhti ki nazar, hum haiN faqeer-e-raah-guzar
raasta kabhi rokaa tera? daaman kabhi thaama tera?
(2) No admission without Permission
This is usually written on government officers’ doors. It indeed conveys a negative message that one is not welcome. I guess a positive sounding message could be: Admission with Permission.
(3) 'udhaar mohabbat ki qenchi hai'
(Credit cuts love like scissors)
This notice is written on our neighborhood grocery store discouraging customers from asking for store credit.
(4) ‘yehaN ujrat roz milti hai’
(Workers are paid daily here)
This notice is written inside our local barber shop. The words of the notice are crying out loud that master barber has no long-term plans for his business. He is hiring daily labor only. Don’t ask for any benefits either.
(5) ‘khatra 440V’ (Danger 440V)
This danger sign is usually accompanied by a visual display of danger in the form of human skull and crossbones. This notice is usually found on electric utility companies’ transformers.
(6) Once I also saw a completely damaged car put on a pedestal display in the middle of a traffic circle (roundabout) by a city's traffic department with a message:
’ tez raftaari ka anjaam…..minjaanib Traffic Department '
(The result of over speeding….by Traffic Department)
(7) ‘Bachelors ki rehaaish mamnoo hai’
(Bachelors accommodation is not allowed)
This notice forbids unmarried people from renting in a certain family oriented community. I think it is a very discriminatory notice.
Please feel free to share if you know any such public notices
Credits:
(1) To my friend Abdul Nasir who pointed out atleast two notices included in the list above.
(2) To my friend Umar Shah who pointed out to me the hilarity of the phrase 'no admission without permission'
(3) the colored photo above is from trekearth.com
Last time I was in Pakistan, I noticed a few public notices which made me smile. Even though I've grown up seeing these all my life, they somehow felt funnier this time. The following is not necessarliy a negative writing but something that I observed and enjoyed.
(1) ghaas pe chalna "sakht" mana hai
(Walking on grass is strictly prohibited)
I mean, what is the difference between prohibited (mana) and strictly prohibited (sakht mana)? Who is enforcing the strictness (sakhti) here? It will be interesting to survey how many (if any) extra people refrain from walking on the grass with a notice saying strictly forbidden as compared to simply forbidden.
For our English readership the board on the photo below reads:
"Throwing trash here is strictly prohibited. By the orders of Executive Officer Cantonment Board Quetta. Culprits will be handed over to the police"
A friend of mine tells me that just behind Karachi University, in Bhayani Heights Apartments there is list of instructions written at the notice board. One of them reads:
‘University Ground may kachra phenkna sakht mana hai. Rangers ground ki nigraani kar rahay haiN. khilaaf warzi karnay waalay ko pooray ground ki safaai karni paray gi’
(Throwing trash in the University grounds is prohibited. Rangers are watching. Culprits will have to clean the whole ground)
It reminds me of this famous 'sher'.
hum pe ye sakhti ki nazar, hum haiN faqeer-e-raah-guzar
raasta kabhi rokaa tera? daaman kabhi thaama tera?
(2) No admission without Permission
This is usually written on government officers’ doors. It indeed conveys a negative message that one is not welcome. I guess a positive sounding message could be: Admission with Permission.
(3) 'udhaar mohabbat ki qenchi hai'
(Credit cuts love like scissors)
This notice is written on our neighborhood grocery store discouraging customers from asking for store credit.
(4) ‘yehaN ujrat roz milti hai’
(Workers are paid daily here)
This notice is written inside our local barber shop. The words of the notice are crying out loud that master barber has no long-term plans for his business. He is hiring daily labor only. Don’t ask for any benefits either.
(5) ‘khatra 440V’ (Danger 440V)
This danger sign is usually accompanied by a visual display of danger in the form of human skull and crossbones. This notice is usually found on electric utility companies’ transformers.
(6) Once I also saw a completely damaged car put on a pedestal display in the middle of a traffic circle (roundabout) by a city's traffic department with a message:
’ tez raftaari ka anjaam…..minjaanib Traffic Department '
(The result of over speeding….by Traffic Department)
(7) ‘Bachelors ki rehaaish mamnoo hai’
(Bachelors accommodation is not allowed)
This notice forbids unmarried people from renting in a certain family oriented community. I think it is a very discriminatory notice.
Please feel free to share if you know any such public notices
Credits:
(1) To my friend Abdul Nasir who pointed out atleast two notices included in the list above.
(2) To my friend Umar Shah who pointed out to me the hilarity of the phrase 'no admission without permission'
(3) the colored photo above is from trekearth.com
How to Make a Billion
Kalpana Sahni
One would have thought that the recent announcement by China to become the biggest exporter of roses would have been greeted with some celebration. After all they have been cultivating roses for the last 3000 years. Yet, their press release led to an outcry by the Western Flower Businesses who objected to China not paying royalty for “internationally registered varieties of flowers”.
Folks, I have never laughed so much. Look at the cheek of these flower businesses! They are demanding royalties!
Perhaps we should remind them of a few facts of history, even though they insist on denying them. Actually it is the Western Flower Corporates who should be paying royalties to the Chinese. Furthermore they need to backdate their dues and account for the last 200 years. The mother or genus of what they call the modern European rose is none other than the Chinese rose which, through rather dubious means, was whisked away from its homeland and brought to Europe via Bengal (hence its two names: China Rose and the Bengal Rose). Unlike European flowers, this variety of rose flowered continuously throughout the year. Hence the strong temptation to steal it from China. So, the Europeans and other businesses need to pay the Chinese for every single genetic transmutation of the rose. The amount will not be small. I believe there are over 30,000 varieties of roses today.
But why only the rose? There are other backdated payments due to China that extend to paper, the printing press, ceramics, porcelain, glazes, the compass, tea which was stolen, silk which was also stolen and, most importantly, gunpowder. The renowned Scottish scientist, Joseph Needham, Fellow of Britain’s Royal Academy, wrote a seven volume encyclopaedia on early Chinese science and inventions so we know that a good deal of Western science was of Chinese origin.
The list of inventions is so extensive that Western societies would be bankrupted settling their dues to China. Then there are other accounts to settle. They need to pay us for their unabashed use of our numerals and our ‘zero’. Imagine how rich we would be if every time ‘zero’ was used, royalties were due! Then they would have to pay royalties on cardamoms, pepper and spice products, on cottons and sugarcane. The entire world would have to pay South America for the maize, tomatoes, chillies, potatoes, tobacco and chocolate products. Coffee royalties would be payable to Yemen, not to speak of many other scientific discoveries of the East without which there would be no European science today.
I thought it fit to mention this because suddenly we are being bombarded with all these strange sounding terms like patents, WTO and TRIP (Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights). According to the dictionary “a patent is a grant made by a government that confers upon the creator of an invention the sole right to make, use and sell that invention for a set period of time”. If in colonial times we were robbed of our land and resources, today we are being robbed of our diverse life forms. All the earlier inventions and discoveries over millennia by farmers are being trashed by these new regimes.
Farmers are being told that setting aside seed stock for the next sowing season amounts to piracy! Instead they are being forced to buy the genetically modified seeds from multinational giants like Monsanto. Modern-day multinationals, in the name of research and development, are stealing from our gene banks and acquiring patents for them just as they stole the tea bush and the silk worm. One day they claim a monopoly for the name ‘Basmati’ and the next they want to patent Haldi. They’ve already pirated Neem and got patents to produce emulsions that were being produced for thousands of years by us. Next they filed cases against Indian companies charging them with piracy for producing their own Neem emulsions as pesticides for crops and for medicinal purposes!
The American companies have also secured patents for the vegetable Karela — our ancient blood purifier, having based their research on traditional Ayurvedic practices! These are just new mechanisms by affluent societies for stealing the wealth of knowledge of our regions. If earlier they had cut off the thumbs of Bengali muslin weavers to aggressively promote English cotton mills cloth, now patents on intellectual rights, based on our biodiversity, are being hurled at us. Knowledge has a dollar price today because 97 per cent of all patents are owned by the developed nations.
Yet, all is not lost.
Increasingly scientists around the globe are realising the inherent dangers of these patent laws by which the farmers are getting poorer while all the wealth accumulates in the coffers of the corporate sector. Biodiversity and traditional knowledge, these scientists maintain, belongs to the collective. Vandana Shiva and other environmentalists are spreading awareness among the farmers about the need for collective responsibility, including the creation of seed banks as protection from the parasitic corporations. Simultaneously they are leading a crusade to change the imposed trade and patent laws and revoke patents on our biodiversity that have already been conferred.
One would have thought that the recent announcement by China to become the biggest exporter of roses would have been greeted with some celebration. After all they have been cultivating roses for the last 3000 years. Yet, their press release led to an outcry by the Western Flower Businesses who objected to China not paying royalty for “internationally registered varieties of flowers”.
Folks, I have never laughed so much. Look at the cheek of these flower businesses! They are demanding royalties!
Perhaps we should remind them of a few facts of history, even though they insist on denying them. Actually it is the Western Flower Corporates who should be paying royalties to the Chinese. Furthermore they need to backdate their dues and account for the last 200 years. The mother or genus of what they call the modern European rose is none other than the Chinese rose which, through rather dubious means, was whisked away from its homeland and brought to Europe via Bengal (hence its two names: China Rose and the Bengal Rose). Unlike European flowers, this variety of rose flowered continuously throughout the year. Hence the strong temptation to steal it from China. So, the Europeans and other businesses need to pay the Chinese for every single genetic transmutation of the rose. The amount will not be small. I believe there are over 30,000 varieties of roses today.
But why only the rose? There are other backdated payments due to China that extend to paper, the printing press, ceramics, porcelain, glazes, the compass, tea which was stolen, silk which was also stolen and, most importantly, gunpowder. The renowned Scottish scientist, Joseph Needham, Fellow of Britain’s Royal Academy, wrote a seven volume encyclopaedia on early Chinese science and inventions so we know that a good deal of Western science was of Chinese origin.
The list of inventions is so extensive that Western societies would be bankrupted settling their dues to China. Then there are other accounts to settle. They need to pay us for their unabashed use of our numerals and our ‘zero’. Imagine how rich we would be if every time ‘zero’ was used, royalties were due! Then they would have to pay royalties on cardamoms, pepper and spice products, on cottons and sugarcane. The entire world would have to pay South America for the maize, tomatoes, chillies, potatoes, tobacco and chocolate products. Coffee royalties would be payable to Yemen, not to speak of many other scientific discoveries of the East without which there would be no European science today.
I thought it fit to mention this because suddenly we are being bombarded with all these strange sounding terms like patents, WTO and TRIP (Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights). According to the dictionary “a patent is a grant made by a government that confers upon the creator of an invention the sole right to make, use and sell that invention for a set period of time”. If in colonial times we were robbed of our land and resources, today we are being robbed of our diverse life forms. All the earlier inventions and discoveries over millennia by farmers are being trashed by these new regimes.
Farmers are being told that setting aside seed stock for the next sowing season amounts to piracy! Instead they are being forced to buy the genetically modified seeds from multinational giants like Monsanto. Modern-day multinationals, in the name of research and development, are stealing from our gene banks and acquiring patents for them just as they stole the tea bush and the silk worm. One day they claim a monopoly for the name ‘Basmati’ and the next they want to patent Haldi. They’ve already pirated Neem and got patents to produce emulsions that were being produced for thousands of years by us. Next they filed cases against Indian companies charging them with piracy for producing their own Neem emulsions as pesticides for crops and for medicinal purposes!
The American companies have also secured patents for the vegetable Karela — our ancient blood purifier, having based their research on traditional Ayurvedic practices! These are just new mechanisms by affluent societies for stealing the wealth of knowledge of our regions. If earlier they had cut off the thumbs of Bengali muslin weavers to aggressively promote English cotton mills cloth, now patents on intellectual rights, based on our biodiversity, are being hurled at us. Knowledge has a dollar price today because 97 per cent of all patents are owned by the developed nations.
Yet, all is not lost.
Increasingly scientists around the globe are realising the inherent dangers of these patent laws by which the farmers are getting poorer while all the wealth accumulates in the coffers of the corporate sector. Biodiversity and traditional knowledge, these scientists maintain, belongs to the collective. Vandana Shiva and other environmentalists are spreading awareness among the farmers about the need for collective responsibility, including the creation of seed banks as protection from the parasitic corporations. Simultaneously they are leading a crusade to change the imposed trade and patent laws and revoke patents on our biodiversity that have already been conferred.
The Media Factor
On the flourishing 'column' industry despite the slow growth of readership...
Raza Rumi
What is so peculiar about the Pakistani media opinion factories churning out problems and solutions products day after day? Frankly, they are self perpetuating oligarchies and boring at best. The slightly discerning mortals who browse the daily newspapers in English and vernacular languages or bother to engage with the electronic media discussions are struck by certain repetitive trends. Let me map them out before rambling any further. On a note of caution, there is no intention of making generalisations here. Exceptions, they say, prove the rule!
The curse of self-importance
Nowhere else would you find brazen references to the importance of a writers' opinion particularly among the Urdu language newspaper columnists. Despite the slow growth of readership, the 'kalam-navees' industry is flourishing. A few years ago, a new Urdu newspaper with a hefty advertising budget, ensured that a few big names in the column industry were under its wings. One saw TV commercials with celebrity columnists announcing how they were switching to the new publication and how their avid readers must follow. New columnists follow their seniors in terms of writing with a clear, often not so subtly articulated, sense of self-importance. Many of them mention how a state functionary called on them or invited them over for a discussion. The best example is a senior and much respected political commentator published in an Urdu daily who frequently quotes his previous columns as if they were voices of the oracle. While reading an otherwise well-written piece you are suddenly reminded by him of something written years ago by the same gentleman insisting how prophetic his words were.
There are others who write a full piece on a day spent at the Governor's house in the provincial capital or on a leader's aircraft or even a luncheon hosted by Pir of Pagara. It is sometimes embarrassing when a couple of journos writing in the same newspaper, relate their 'individual' experiences of attending a collective meeting with the chief minister that often end with a punchline on the vision or personal kindness (more so in Zia era) of powerful persona concerned. Printing fan-mail is another favourite pastime of our columnists. An indicator of their grandeur and invincibility, perhaps.
Some opinion-makers in English language are in the same league. A senior journalist with a penchant for reproducing his court petitions in entirety, claims a grand 'position' in making or breaking events. It is not uncommon to read him addressing the General or the Prime Minister directly and warning him/her of the fateful anjaam if his advice is not heeded. In Urdu press, "hukmarano hosh ke nakhun lo or rulers, act sanely" is a favourite byline. A few Urdu newspapers actually conduct 'raids' to expose stories of injustice and corruption. Great, but isn't that the task of agencies that function with taxpayers' money; and thereby are accountable to the public.
Go where the power goes
I am no political activist. And, I earnestly believe that some measure of grace is far more important that the particular ideology or political affiliation one holds. Even if people strive to be pragmatic or blow with the opportunistic winds, which define Pakistan's ethical climate, some subtlety can do us all good.
I vividly remember those exciting mornings after General Musharraf's takeover in 1999 when I made it a point to read all the papers. Whilst, during pre-Musharraf days, I found the comparisons of his predecessor with Mohammad Bin Qasim, at the least inaccurate, I was horrified to read the same columnists working hard to prove the same person's villainous, scheming and naive (yes all in one go) nature.
There was one such luminary of the column-stan (yes this is what it is!) who happened to be in the Sharif kitchen cabinet and was also incarcerated briefly after the declaration of emergency, proved his innocence in the public domain by undermining his former benefactors.
Let me also cite another case from the English language columstan. A suave writer on economic and political issues who had written enthusiastic columns on the eve of 1997 elections and continued eulogising the successful Sharif brothers was among the first ones to condemn them after their fall. He was also a regular member our retired General's entourage on foreign tours and ponders a lot on the recent economic miracle.
Another Urdu newspaper columnist who only writes on 'non-political issues' is an example of journalitistic expediency. His writings on the younger Sharif's leadership and achievements quickly found an echo in his later writings on the progress in the Punjab crediting the succeeding chief executive.
The writer is a former...
With due respect to all the bright diplomats who navigated our foreign policy, led our missions abroad, increased Pakistan's trade and inflow of tourists: please reconsider the burden of writing. Last week, I counted that almost every day in our leading English newspapers former ambassadors had held forth on issues from Islamic Ummah, terrorism, middle eastern crisis, domestic policies and tonnes of policy advice to the rulers. Most of the writings were well intentioned though generally quite dull, much like the dispatches that they were trained to write. The more important question is that what did they do while holding senior positions. Did they furnish truthful advice to their bosses that they now generously dole out to the 'common' readers! Some questions have no answers, I guess.
Perhaps the 'former' category is empitomised by the born again democrat, a retired demigod civil servant who enjoyed positions of authority under most regimes and who was a reliable advisor to a galaxy of constitutionalists including General Zia and Ghulam Ishaque Khan. The gentleman is extremely cross with our present General in command because of his new-found fondness for constitutionalism and democracy. Amazing that newspapers management and editorial teams are oblivious to the 'image' such gentlemen hold in the public eye. Our memories are not that short after all?
And the piece of cake will be taken by a polished writer based abroad and who held senior positions in a renowned international financial institution. His weekly dose of "what should be Pakistan's policy and strategy" regularly falls on deaf ears. His column starts with what he wrote the last time and makes sure that he gives us good tidings of the forthcoming article's wonder prescription. Not just that, he comes across as patronising about Pakistan's progress and in that vein often pats the back of our leaders (as if his endorsement of their decisions means anything). But then why does he still live abroad? Some readers wonder and whisper.
Qualified to comment?
Mostly No.
This is perhaps the most irritating group, often found on the pages of Urdu newspapers. Writers with unclear expertise, driven by rhetoric and gup-shup culture, recklessly comment on the economy, technology, global warming and renewable energy. There is an indecent play of ideology and jingoism in their ranting but sometimes it is just a reflection of medieval cultural practices. Inaccuracies (2-3 lakhs), no recourse to data ('ba-khabar-zaraiy' or informed sources and 'generally speaking') and sitting on judgment (we don't want the American dollars). By the way, most of these West-bashers have email addresses flaunted at the end of every column they bequeath to the public -- Bill Gates was not born in Raiwind, exactly.
I humbly suggest that they should focus more on what they are good at: narrating mirasi and sardar jokes with qaseedas or ghadar sentences to individuals they like of dislike!
Obsession with regression
Why are so many Urdu columns, save great exceptions, on politics or to be specific, the jor-taur (wheeling dealing) stories? Is it the predominance of ideology (nurtured by the medieval court intrigue culture) filtering through political comment? Our friends in the Urdu press and now the electronic media are driven by self-propelled engines of a make-belief ideology. Read the articles on how debates on Hudood Ordinance were inviting the wrath of Allah and how we all were doomed by even debating the fine print of a man-made law. Add to this the way our changed Taliban policy is ghaddari to the Muslim cause.
This reminds one of the naivete of the Khilafat movement when the South Asian hysteria for the restoration of Khilafat was dashed by the Turks abolishing it themselves. Stereotypes on women's roles, shoddy defense of the maulvi and extolling irresponsible behaviour displayed by the unfortunate late Amir Cheema who killed a kafir in Germany or the release of a 'spy' after 35 years are common themes in our current [opinion] affairs.
There is a long way to go before we can see some signs of responsibility that is as important as ensuring and safeguarding of the press freedoms.
Author's Disclaimer: The author might change his opinion following the winds of opportunity.
Raza Rumi
What is so peculiar about the Pakistani media opinion factories churning out problems and solutions products day after day? Frankly, they are self perpetuating oligarchies and boring at best. The slightly discerning mortals who browse the daily newspapers in English and vernacular languages or bother to engage with the electronic media discussions are struck by certain repetitive trends. Let me map them out before rambling any further. On a note of caution, there is no intention of making generalisations here. Exceptions, they say, prove the rule!
The curse of self-importance
Nowhere else would you find brazen references to the importance of a writers' opinion particularly among the Urdu language newspaper columnists. Despite the slow growth of readership, the 'kalam-navees' industry is flourishing. A few years ago, a new Urdu newspaper with a hefty advertising budget, ensured that a few big names in the column industry were under its wings. One saw TV commercials with celebrity columnists announcing how they were switching to the new publication and how their avid readers must follow. New columnists follow their seniors in terms of writing with a clear, often not so subtly articulated, sense of self-importance. Many of them mention how a state functionary called on them or invited them over for a discussion. The best example is a senior and much respected political commentator published in an Urdu daily who frequently quotes his previous columns as if they were voices of the oracle. While reading an otherwise well-written piece you are suddenly reminded by him of something written years ago by the same gentleman insisting how prophetic his words were.
There are others who write a full piece on a day spent at the Governor's house in the provincial capital or on a leader's aircraft or even a luncheon hosted by Pir of Pagara. It is sometimes embarrassing when a couple of journos writing in the same newspaper, relate their 'individual' experiences of attending a collective meeting with the chief minister that often end with a punchline on the vision or personal kindness (more so in Zia era) of powerful persona concerned. Printing fan-mail is another favourite pastime of our columnists. An indicator of their grandeur and invincibility, perhaps.
Some opinion-makers in English language are in the same league. A senior journalist with a penchant for reproducing his court petitions in entirety, claims a grand 'position' in making or breaking events. It is not uncommon to read him addressing the General or the Prime Minister directly and warning him/her of the fateful anjaam if his advice is not heeded. In Urdu press, "hukmarano hosh ke nakhun lo or rulers, act sanely" is a favourite byline. A few Urdu newspapers actually conduct 'raids' to expose stories of injustice and corruption. Great, but isn't that the task of agencies that function with taxpayers' money; and thereby are accountable to the public.
Go where the power goes
I am no political activist. And, I earnestly believe that some measure of grace is far more important that the particular ideology or political affiliation one holds. Even if people strive to be pragmatic or blow with the opportunistic winds, which define Pakistan's ethical climate, some subtlety can do us all good.
I vividly remember those exciting mornings after General Musharraf's takeover in 1999 when I made it a point to read all the papers. Whilst, during pre-Musharraf days, I found the comparisons of his predecessor with Mohammad Bin Qasim, at the least inaccurate, I was horrified to read the same columnists working hard to prove the same person's villainous, scheming and naive (yes all in one go) nature.
There was one such luminary of the column-stan (yes this is what it is!) who happened to be in the Sharif kitchen cabinet and was also incarcerated briefly after the declaration of emergency, proved his innocence in the public domain by undermining his former benefactors.
Let me also cite another case from the English language columstan. A suave writer on economic and political issues who had written enthusiastic columns on the eve of 1997 elections and continued eulogising the successful Sharif brothers was among the first ones to condemn them after their fall. He was also a regular member our retired General's entourage on foreign tours and ponders a lot on the recent economic miracle.
Another Urdu newspaper columnist who only writes on 'non-political issues' is an example of journalitistic expediency. His writings on the younger Sharif's leadership and achievements quickly found an echo in his later writings on the progress in the Punjab crediting the succeeding chief executive.
The writer is a former...
With due respect to all the bright diplomats who navigated our foreign policy, led our missions abroad, increased Pakistan's trade and inflow of tourists: please reconsider the burden of writing. Last week, I counted that almost every day in our leading English newspapers former ambassadors had held forth on issues from Islamic Ummah, terrorism, middle eastern crisis, domestic policies and tonnes of policy advice to the rulers. Most of the writings were well intentioned though generally quite dull, much like the dispatches that they were trained to write. The more important question is that what did they do while holding senior positions. Did they furnish truthful advice to their bosses that they now generously dole out to the 'common' readers! Some questions have no answers, I guess.
Perhaps the 'former' category is empitomised by the born again democrat, a retired demigod civil servant who enjoyed positions of authority under most regimes and who was a reliable advisor to a galaxy of constitutionalists including General Zia and Ghulam Ishaque Khan. The gentleman is extremely cross with our present General in command because of his new-found fondness for constitutionalism and democracy. Amazing that newspapers management and editorial teams are oblivious to the 'image' such gentlemen hold in the public eye. Our memories are not that short after all?
And the piece of cake will be taken by a polished writer based abroad and who held senior positions in a renowned international financial institution. His weekly dose of "what should be Pakistan's policy and strategy" regularly falls on deaf ears. His column starts with what he wrote the last time and makes sure that he gives us good tidings of the forthcoming article's wonder prescription. Not just that, he comes across as patronising about Pakistan's progress and in that vein often pats the back of our leaders (as if his endorsement of their decisions means anything). But then why does he still live abroad? Some readers wonder and whisper.
Qualified to comment?
Mostly No.
This is perhaps the most irritating group, often found on the pages of Urdu newspapers. Writers with unclear expertise, driven by rhetoric and gup-shup culture, recklessly comment on the economy, technology, global warming and renewable energy. There is an indecent play of ideology and jingoism in their ranting but sometimes it is just a reflection of medieval cultural practices. Inaccuracies (2-3 lakhs), no recourse to data ('ba-khabar-zaraiy' or informed sources and 'generally speaking') and sitting on judgment (we don't want the American dollars). By the way, most of these West-bashers have email addresses flaunted at the end of every column they bequeath to the public -- Bill Gates was not born in Raiwind, exactly.
I humbly suggest that they should focus more on what they are good at: narrating mirasi and sardar jokes with qaseedas or ghadar sentences to individuals they like of dislike!
Obsession with regression
Why are so many Urdu columns, save great exceptions, on politics or to be specific, the jor-taur (wheeling dealing) stories? Is it the predominance of ideology (nurtured by the medieval court intrigue culture) filtering through political comment? Our friends in the Urdu press and now the electronic media are driven by self-propelled engines of a make-belief ideology. Read the articles on how debates on Hudood Ordinance were inviting the wrath of Allah and how we all were doomed by even debating the fine print of a man-made law. Add to this the way our changed Taliban policy is ghaddari to the Muslim cause.
This reminds one of the naivete of the Khilafat movement when the South Asian hysteria for the restoration of Khilafat was dashed by the Turks abolishing it themselves. Stereotypes on women's roles, shoddy defense of the maulvi and extolling irresponsible behaviour displayed by the unfortunate late Amir Cheema who killed a kafir in Germany or the release of a 'spy' after 35 years are common themes in our current [opinion] affairs.
There is a long way to go before we can see some signs of responsibility that is as important as ensuring and safeguarding of the press freedoms.
Author's Disclaimer: The author might change his opinion following the winds of opportunity.
Reason to be Optimistic
Anwar Syed
POLITICAL development in Pakistan is going well, and the signs I see suggest that it is going to get even better. We witnessed an intriguing event on Feb 18, an election that was generally regarded as fair and honest. Its results were accepted with a good heart even by most of the losers.
This is, in retrospect, an almost unprecedented achievement. Regardless of where the credit for it belongs, the nation has to be grateful for the end result.
In the months preceding the election, the political environment in the country improved. Traditional rivals, who had harassed each other when in power, resolved never to do it again. They shook hands and undertook to work together for the restoration of democracy and related institutions to the exclusion of military interventions.
Their parties, the PPP and PML-N, have joined hands and taken in a few of the smaller parties, to form coalition governments at the centre and in some of the provinces. It took a good deal of negotiating to settle the specifics of power-sharing, but it has been done amicably. The unanimous election of Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani as prime minister, and that of Mr Amir Haider Hoti as chief minister of the NWFP, were greeted as history-making events. Indications are that the ruling coalition can muster a two-thirds majority in a joint session of the two houses of parliament so as to be able to pass constitutional amendments.
The coalition partners intend to reinstate the judges whom Gen Musharraf had removed on Nov 3, 2007. The procedure for undoing his high-handedness may turn out to be tedious but the needful, I think, will be done before long. That too should be a welcome development. What will the reinstated judges do if the validity of Musharraf’s election as president is called into question again? If they hold it to have been invalid, the current balance of governance may be thrown into disarray. This could be a turn of events that Mr Gilani and his party would like to avoid. The judges might then be persuaded to leave the general alone. Pervez Musharraf may then continue to live in the president’s mansion, limited to the very modest role the constitution assigns him. Such an outcome would also be acceptable to the military.
The newly elected speaker and party leaders in the National Assembly expect that attendance, seriousness of purpose, quality of debate, and observance of rules and procedures will all show a big improvement over the previous years. It is heartening that Prime Minister Gilani wants to energise the assembly as an institution. He intends to bring not only proposed legislation but all major policy issues to the house for its consideration. He has reportedly told the visiting American officials that parliament, and not he alone, will review and finalise this country’s anti-terrorism strategy and operations. This was the right stand for him to have taken even if it did not please the visitors.
An era of goodwill would seem to have begun in Pakistan. I sense a change in the outlook of the generality of people on politics. On Feb 18 they rejected the old regime and its ways. The politicians seem to have noticed the public’s new frame of mind, which may explain why the Chaudhries and their cohorts are telling us that they will not be an obstructionist opposition, and that they will even applaud the new government when it is doing the right thing. Various political leaders had for years advocated the supremacy of parliament in the country’s governance. Their quest, it seems, is about to be fulfilled.
Parties of different hues are ready to work together to serve the nation in these difficult times. They have placed ideology on the back seat to do tasks that must and can be done, recognising that politics is the art of the possible. They have not demanded a price for their cooperation. The JUI and MQM did eventually get ministerial posts, but note that they had offered the ruling coalition their support unconditionally.
Pessimists, unwilling to concede that anything good and decent can happen in Pakistan, have been asking how long it can be before the ruling coalition falls apart and the country returns to chaos and political instability. They think constructive cooperation, unless ordered by a common superior, is foreign to our political culture. Past experience would seem to confirm their interpretation. But note that the culture of authoritarianism prevailed in much of the world until about a couple of hundred years ago. It gave way to a different culture, that of democracy, as the socio-economic environment of politics changed. The process of change was gradual but change did come. Something of the same order may be happening in Pakistan. Its political culture is changing with changing times.
It should be noted also that the principals in the ruling coalition, the PPP and PML-N, did not have an alternative to working together. They stood to gain a lot more by sticking with each other than they possibly could by going their separate ways. This, I think, will remain the case and I anticipate that their togetherness will last for quite a few years.
One should not, however, ignore the lingering dark patches of cloud on this otherwise bright and sunny day. Democratisation of the internal working of our major political parties remains elusive. Witness the long and mysterious process by which the PPP leadership chose its nominee for the prime minister’s post. A straightforward procedure would have been for Mr Zardari to call a meeting of the PPP MNAs, call for nominations, ask each nominee to state his credentials, and then put the matter to vote. The person getting the largest number of votes should have been designated the party’s candidate for the post.
This is not how it was done. Ms Benazir Bhutto was said to have named Makhdoom Amin Fahim as her choice before she was assassinated. Apparently, Mr Zardari did not like her choice and set it aside. The party’s central executive committee, in a show of submissiveness, ‘authorised’ him to settle the matter as he might deem fit. It took him more than four weeks to identify the ‘fit’ candidate.
He embarked on a long series of consultations with groups of PPP MNAs from all over the country. One cannot say whether these were genuine consultations rather than a pretence. During all this time he kept Amin Fahim guessing as to his intentions. Much to his subsequent embarrassment, Mr Fahim kept insisting, until almost the last day, that he was a serious candidate for the job. Mr Zardari, on his part, kept his decision a closely guarded secret to be revealed on the day the assembly would elect the leader of the house. As if this thorough personalisation of the party’s decision-making was not enough, he called in his and Benazir’s 19-year-old son, the PPP ‘chairman’, to endorse Yusuf Raza Gilani as the party’s candidate for the prime minister’s office.
POLITICAL development in Pakistan is going well, and the signs I see suggest that it is going to get even better. We witnessed an intriguing event on Feb 18, an election that was generally regarded as fair and honest. Its results were accepted with a good heart even by most of the losers.
This is, in retrospect, an almost unprecedented achievement. Regardless of where the credit for it belongs, the nation has to be grateful for the end result.
In the months preceding the election, the political environment in the country improved. Traditional rivals, who had harassed each other when in power, resolved never to do it again. They shook hands and undertook to work together for the restoration of democracy and related institutions to the exclusion of military interventions.
Their parties, the PPP and PML-N, have joined hands and taken in a few of the smaller parties, to form coalition governments at the centre and in some of the provinces. It took a good deal of negotiating to settle the specifics of power-sharing, but it has been done amicably. The unanimous election of Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani as prime minister, and that of Mr Amir Haider Hoti as chief minister of the NWFP, were greeted as history-making events. Indications are that the ruling coalition can muster a two-thirds majority in a joint session of the two houses of parliament so as to be able to pass constitutional amendments.
The coalition partners intend to reinstate the judges whom Gen Musharraf had removed on Nov 3, 2007. The procedure for undoing his high-handedness may turn out to be tedious but the needful, I think, will be done before long. That too should be a welcome development. What will the reinstated judges do if the validity of Musharraf’s election as president is called into question again? If they hold it to have been invalid, the current balance of governance may be thrown into disarray. This could be a turn of events that Mr Gilani and his party would like to avoid. The judges might then be persuaded to leave the general alone. Pervez Musharraf may then continue to live in the president’s mansion, limited to the very modest role the constitution assigns him. Such an outcome would also be acceptable to the military.
The newly elected speaker and party leaders in the National Assembly expect that attendance, seriousness of purpose, quality of debate, and observance of rules and procedures will all show a big improvement over the previous years. It is heartening that Prime Minister Gilani wants to energise the assembly as an institution. He intends to bring not only proposed legislation but all major policy issues to the house for its consideration. He has reportedly told the visiting American officials that parliament, and not he alone, will review and finalise this country’s anti-terrorism strategy and operations. This was the right stand for him to have taken even if it did not please the visitors.
An era of goodwill would seem to have begun in Pakistan. I sense a change in the outlook of the generality of people on politics. On Feb 18 they rejected the old regime and its ways. The politicians seem to have noticed the public’s new frame of mind, which may explain why the Chaudhries and their cohorts are telling us that they will not be an obstructionist opposition, and that they will even applaud the new government when it is doing the right thing. Various political leaders had for years advocated the supremacy of parliament in the country’s governance. Their quest, it seems, is about to be fulfilled.
Parties of different hues are ready to work together to serve the nation in these difficult times. They have placed ideology on the back seat to do tasks that must and can be done, recognising that politics is the art of the possible. They have not demanded a price for their cooperation. The JUI and MQM did eventually get ministerial posts, but note that they had offered the ruling coalition their support unconditionally.
Pessimists, unwilling to concede that anything good and decent can happen in Pakistan, have been asking how long it can be before the ruling coalition falls apart and the country returns to chaos and political instability. They think constructive cooperation, unless ordered by a common superior, is foreign to our political culture. Past experience would seem to confirm their interpretation. But note that the culture of authoritarianism prevailed in much of the world until about a couple of hundred years ago. It gave way to a different culture, that of democracy, as the socio-economic environment of politics changed. The process of change was gradual but change did come. Something of the same order may be happening in Pakistan. Its political culture is changing with changing times.
It should be noted also that the principals in the ruling coalition, the PPP and PML-N, did not have an alternative to working together. They stood to gain a lot more by sticking with each other than they possibly could by going their separate ways. This, I think, will remain the case and I anticipate that their togetherness will last for quite a few years.
One should not, however, ignore the lingering dark patches of cloud on this otherwise bright and sunny day. Democratisation of the internal working of our major political parties remains elusive. Witness the long and mysterious process by which the PPP leadership chose its nominee for the prime minister’s post. A straightforward procedure would have been for Mr Zardari to call a meeting of the PPP MNAs, call for nominations, ask each nominee to state his credentials, and then put the matter to vote. The person getting the largest number of votes should have been designated the party’s candidate for the post.
This is not how it was done. Ms Benazir Bhutto was said to have named Makhdoom Amin Fahim as her choice before she was assassinated. Apparently, Mr Zardari did not like her choice and set it aside. The party’s central executive committee, in a show of submissiveness, ‘authorised’ him to settle the matter as he might deem fit. It took him more than four weeks to identify the ‘fit’ candidate.
He embarked on a long series of consultations with groups of PPP MNAs from all over the country. One cannot say whether these were genuine consultations rather than a pretence. During all this time he kept Amin Fahim guessing as to his intentions. Much to his subsequent embarrassment, Mr Fahim kept insisting, until almost the last day, that he was a serious candidate for the job. Mr Zardari, on his part, kept his decision a closely guarded secret to be revealed on the day the assembly would elect the leader of the house. As if this thorough personalisation of the party’s decision-making was not enough, he called in his and Benazir’s 19-year-old son, the PPP ‘chairman’, to endorse Yusuf Raza Gilani as the party’s candidate for the prime minister’s office.
Party!
I want to be enveloped
“I want to be surrounded by you.
I want to be enclosed.
I want to be enveloped.
I don’t have the words for it.
But do you’ understand?”
From “The Anatomy of Desire”
by John L’Heureux (Thanks to Raza Rumi)
I want to be enclosed.
I want to be enveloped.
I don’t have the words for it.
But do you’ understand?”
From “The Anatomy of Desire”
by John L’Heureux (Thanks to Raza Rumi)
Beijing Connections
Whenever we travel to a new country and we see any reference to Pakistan, it naturally catches our attention. Recently this ATP ka numaainda (representative) was in China. I saw following subtle references to Pakistan in Beijing.
(1) Whether we liked her or not; whether we agreed with her or not; the fact remains that she is the single most known person outside Pakistan. I was browsing in the book store of Guanghua School of Management at the Peking University when I found this Chinese edition of ‘Daughter of the East’. Price RMB 28. This was the only book related to Pakistan that I was able to find in that book store.
(2) While in China, do as Chinese do. I did that for 6 days. On seventh day the craving for Pakistani food became so strong that I went looking for a Pakistani restaurant in Beijing. A quick internet search revealed there was only one Pakistani restaurant in Beijing and of all the names in this world, it was called ‘The Mughal Beijing’. Following is its signboard.
The Mughal Beijing is located on Sunlitan Street . They serve ‘halal’ food (written twice on the signboard above to remove any lingering doubts) along with ‘Live Performance every Evening’. No details given on the signboard about the every evening live performances.
Well all my hardwork and hefty taxi fare that I paid to get there, came to a naught when I saw this notice board infront of the restaurant. I was so heartbroken that I called the number given on this board and talked to the owner. I was hoping the owner would invite me to his home for Pakistani food (Nihari and Bihari kabab) and I will reluctanty accept it but alas that didn’t happen. The owner told me they are reopening in one month from now in the same building and I should definitely come to taste their food. All I could say from my end was:
hum bhi muNh meiN zubaaN rakhtay haiN
kaash poocho ke zaaiqa kia hai
Next day we ate at the Ganges Indian restaurant which has 3 branches in Beijing. Good food and I recommend them if you are looking for desi food in Beijing.
(3) The hotel we stayed in was showing this World Clock at their front desk. It just melted my heart right there. Now how many World clocks have you seen outside Pakistan which show PST on top. There are 8 other countries in the World which share the same time zone as Pakistan but the manufacturers of this World Clock chose to select Pakistan at the representative. Bravo. For this one gesture of friendship, I will recommend Red Wall Hotel to our readers if they visit Beijing. It is also conveniently located at a walking distance from the famous Forbidden City and Beihai Park.
(4) And of course Pakistan International Airlines is one of the many airlines that fly to Beijing. On March 26, 2008 Beijing has inaugurated a World Class Airport terminal (#3) for the Olympics. PIA however flies to the old terminal which is terminal 2 of Beijing Capital Airport.
(1) Whether we liked her or not; whether we agreed with her or not; the fact remains that she is the single most known person outside Pakistan. I was browsing in the book store of Guanghua School of Management at the Peking University when I found this Chinese edition of ‘Daughter of the East’. Price RMB 28. This was the only book related to Pakistan that I was able to find in that book store.
(2) While in China, do as Chinese do. I did that for 6 days. On seventh day the craving for Pakistani food became so strong that I went looking for a Pakistani restaurant in Beijing. A quick internet search revealed there was only one Pakistani restaurant in Beijing and of all the names in this world, it was called ‘The Mughal Beijing’. Following is its signboard.
The Mughal Beijing is located on Sunlitan Street . They serve ‘halal’ food (written twice on the signboard above to remove any lingering doubts) along with ‘Live Performance every Evening’. No details given on the signboard about the every evening live performances.
Well all my hardwork and hefty taxi fare that I paid to get there, came to a naught when I saw this notice board infront of the restaurant. I was so heartbroken that I called the number given on this board and talked to the owner. I was hoping the owner would invite me to his home for Pakistani food (Nihari and Bihari kabab) and I will reluctanty accept it but alas that didn’t happen. The owner told me they are reopening in one month from now in the same building and I should definitely come to taste their food. All I could say from my end was:
hum bhi muNh meiN zubaaN rakhtay haiN
kaash poocho ke zaaiqa kia hai
Next day we ate at the Ganges Indian restaurant which has 3 branches in Beijing. Good food and I recommend them if you are looking for desi food in Beijing.
(3) The hotel we stayed in was showing this World Clock at their front desk. It just melted my heart right there. Now how many World clocks have you seen outside Pakistan which show PST on top. There are 8 other countries in the World which share the same time zone as Pakistan but the manufacturers of this World Clock chose to select Pakistan at the representative. Bravo. For this one gesture of friendship, I will recommend Red Wall Hotel to our readers if they visit Beijing. It is also conveniently located at a walking distance from the famous Forbidden City and Beihai Park.
(4) And of course Pakistan International Airlines is one of the many airlines that fly to Beijing. On March 26, 2008 Beijing has inaugurated a World Class Airport terminal (#3) for the Olympics. PIA however flies to the old terminal which is terminal 2 of Beijing Capital Airport.
